What’s Wrong with School Lunches?

A handful of tater-tots coupled with pizza the size of your palm (with two whole pepperoni slices!) on top of a disposable styrofoam tray was considered a really good day at the cafeteria. On other days, students were in for more of a surprise: a mystery meat accompanied by chocolate or strawberry milk would be received differently by everyone. Very few are satisfied with the lunches but it is too late to revamp the American public school lunch system. This is not simply an issue to bad food, but really a problem of money. The health of this generation is at stake, but corporations are not interested in the health of kids, but only profits.

Courtesy to DoSomething

Regardless of the menu, school lunches in American public schools often elicit an image of a soggy, plastic-y, hot (or sometimes cold) mess. Part of this is due to the vague definition of vegetables from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). Our nation’s nutrition standards that guide public school lunches describe potatoes as a vegetable, and, by association, french fries are classified as vegetables. The tomato paste in the pizza, pickle relish, and ketchup all qualify as vegetables in the confines of American lunchrooms and pass as “healthy” food.

Why are the health guidelines for school lunches so confusing? And what does that have to do with the bad food? In 1947, Congress passed the National School Lunch Act, which aimed to ensure all kids in America that could not afford lunches at school would still be fed, even if the government had to subsidize their meals. Even with the suspicious standards for food, the intentions of the government were good—they wanted to keep kids from going hungry at school. But today, the American public school lunch system tells a revealing story of Federal budgeting and how policy actually plays out from the Congressional floor to elementary school lunchrooms and beyond.

 

Budget Food

1935 was the first year Congress set aside money in the school lunch program. The government initially used the surplus food from farmers like dairy, wheat, and pork to make these meals. As more children started eating government-funded lunches, the budget steadily increased because the lunch programs needed even larger quantities of food, no longer utilizing surplus food, but created a demand. But in the 1980s, the Reagan administration faced the difficult problem of cutting the Congressional budget. From the overall $615 billion of the 1981 fiscal year, the school lunch program became the victim of the budget cut. President Reagan reallocated $1 billion from the lunch subsidies, reducing the U.S. government spending to a reported $3.6 billion overall for school lunches. This 24 percent decrease in lunch funding led to creative ideas from the Reagan Administration to pinch pennies. Controversially, ketchup was presented as a vegetable during this time, and these bold classifications of vegetables have continued. Even today, within Congress and the administration, there is a constant struggle to keep the budget as small as possible because the spending on child nutrition programs grows at exponential rates. According to the Congressional Budget Office, the spending more than doubled since the 90s and is projected to rise continuously in the future. Despite the increase in budget, nutritional programs often grow at similar or faster rates, resulting in a shortage of money.

The money to provide these services and food gets tighter every year, so do the health standards. The demand for low- and no-fat foods has surged since the 90s. Today, the meals schools serve have a calories limit ranging from 650 to 850, depending on the age range of the children. Not only that, the minimum servings of fruits and vegetables doubled, “dark green and orange vegetables” now replace the previous potatoes and tomato paste as vegetables, offering a wider variety of real vegetables. Meals are now served with less sodium, less saturated fats, and a reduced amount of added sugars. No more sugary drinks or unhealthy snacks… the list goes on.

The stricter health guidelines are largely due to two things. The first is the Free and Reduced Lunch program, which derived from the initiative to feed every child in our schools. The National School Lunch Act guarantees lunch for everyone. These lunches play an important role for many children; President Obama once noted that, for many children, school lunches are “their most nutritious meal—sometimes their only meal—of the day.” Last year, a whopping 4.9 billion lunches were served. If we break this number down to a daily basis, American public schools served 30 million lunches in one day: 20 million of which are free, 2 million were at a reduced rate, and 8 million were paid in their full price. If over two-thirds of lunches served receive their food at a reduced or free price, it’s a good indicator that many children are indeed dependent on these school provided lunches.

The other reason the USDA began to enforce tighter health guidelines was due to the obesity epidemic the media extensively covered in the early 2000s. From the University of Michigan, Dr. Kim A. Eagle’s research study identified school lunches as another risk for childhood obesity. One of most jarring statistics stated that “those who regularly had the school lunch were 29 percent more likely to be obese than those who brought lunch from home.” Eagle attributes this to the fact that school lunches rely on high-energy, low-nutrient-value food, which was usually centered around corn and potatoes, because of their lower costs. The First Lady Michelle Obama created the Healthy Hunger-Free Kids Act, an initiative to combat obesity, promoting not only exercise, but also pushed for stricter health guidelines for students.

The constant shaving of the Federal budget alongside strict health standards had left America with very few options. Processed foods were on a rise in response to this situation. The opportunity to turn Federal dollars into a lucrative business propelled companies such as Tyson and PepsiCo to capitalize on this opportunity. These companies began lobbying efforts to ensure their products were used in lunchrooms.

 

Graphic from School Nutrition Association


In these conversations where the decision making for school lunches take place, there are two other major players: the SNA or School Nutrition Association and the National School Boards Association who represent the interests of students and as advocates of schools, and organizations such as the Food Research and Action Center and the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities who examine the nutritional value of food.

Though SNA is supposed to advocate on behalf of schools, the School Nutrition Association’s website shows that lobbying groups such as Tyson and Pepsico are listed as partners. While the processed foods are not a good thing, it’s all the schools can realistically afford. Such high health standards with a significantly low budget from the government is a tall order to fulfill.

When asked about the amount of processed foods in school lunches, the SNA stated, “While many school are working to increase the amount of freshly prepared and scratch-made menus items, those with limited equipment and labor resources rely on healthy pre-prepared foods to ensure students receive balanced meals each day.” Even if there is enough money to assemble all the ingredients for healthy, unprocessed meals, there is not enough to employ kitchens to cook and serve children.

A myriad of factors are all complex layers to the problem of American public school lunches: the shrinking Congressional budget, the high reliance on free and reduced lunch, the intricate health standards, and lobbying groups of processed foods. The system has ballooned so much and fallen too deep to fix.

 

 

SOURCES:

https://www.cnbc.com/video/2018/11/14/heres-who-gets-rich-from-school-lunch.html

https://www.cnbc.com/2018/11/14/how-big-brands-like-tyson-and-pepsico-profit-from-school-lunches.html

https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/child-nutrition-programs/national-school-lunch-program.aspx

https://www.cbo.gov/publication/50737https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Nutrition-Budget-Fact-Sheet-FY18-PDF1.pdf

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/08/how-to-scale-up-healthy-eating-in-schools/

https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/files/docs/publications/usbudget/bus_1981.pdf

https://schoolnutrition.org/AboutSchoolMeals/SchoolMealTrendsStats/#1

https://www.fns.usda.gov/nslp/history_5

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/new-nutrition-standards-for-school-lunches/

The Pile-Up: China’s trash limitations force the United States to seek alternatives

The past year has been a trashy year, and not just because of the United States’ tumultuous political climate. Rather, the problems with trash have become more central to environmental and economic reform than ever before.

For some, plastic straws sparked the conversation when Seattle banned single-use plastics this past summer, an event that swept the internet and inspired mass numbers to act against pollution. The real trash tale, however, is much grimmer than the sliver of environmental hope provided by any limit placed on plastic drinking tubes. With the United States producing the most waste globally and China recently enacting limitations on how much foreign garbage it will import, the trash is piling up. Americans are now coming face-to-face with a hard reality: reduce waste or suffocate under the consequences.

It’s no secret that the United States has a huge problem with waste. Though home to only 4 percent of the world’s population, the U.S. produces more than 30 percent of the planet’s total waste, according to a report by Frontier Group. The average American throws out 7 pounds of materials each day, with over half of all materials scrapped by homes and business ending up in landfills and only a third being recycled or composted.

Source: Frontier Group

The expanding $60 billion solid waste industry in the U.S. indicates the large-scale effort required to domestically manage all of the garbage produced. At this rate, however, the U.S. has not been capable of managing all of its own trash. While the wasteful reality of the U.S. may be “Land of the free, home of the brave… and lots of garbage in between,” the U.S. has made every attempt to steer away from such a reputation within its physical landscape. As a result, the U.S. has been exporting about one-third of its recyclables, with half going to China, according to NPR. To paint a global picture, nearly half of the planet’s plastic trash since 1988 — including single-use plastics, food wrappers and plastic bags — has been sent to China to be recycled into other forms of plastic goods, according to The Verge.

At first, this was a mutually beneficial trade agreement for both the U.S. and China: the U.S. would have significantly less trash to deal with on its home turf, and industrial China was able to acquire foreign currency while turning plastic into profit. The USC-US China Institute reported that, as time went on, the U.S.’s biggest dollar value export to China was trash, with Bloomberg reporting that Americans shipping more than $5.6 billion worth of scrap to China in 2016. At its peak, the Chinese recycling industry supported nearly 12 million jobs, and the recycled plastic was being turned into products valued over $64 billion a year. Environmentally, recycling also provided China a means to save energy when compared to industries like mining and logging. It was a business model that seemed to be indestructible.

Source: Bloomberg

Come 2012, however, what appeared to be an untouchable, powerful and productive market took a turn for the worst. China’s labor market shrunk for the first time. U.S. scrap exports to China fell for the first time since 1996. The next year, more foreign direct investment went to Southeast Asia than China. Then, the big one hit at the end of 2017: China notified the World Trade Organization that it had decided to ban imports of 24 categories of solid waste, effective March 2018. Now that China is post-industrial and rests on more financially-steady ground, the trash ban is the country’s next step toward improving the quality of life for its citizens by reducing emissions and creating a more sustainable nation.

“There was no doubt there was a great deal of discontent within China, and if they had announced a five-year transition, they would have faced domestic opposition,” said Dr. Douglas Becker, an international relations and environmental studies professor at the University of Southern California. “The reports coming out of the areas near the largest trash dumps in south China are a lot worse that people realized, and not by a small amount. So they sensed that they needed to do something fairly drastic.”

China is not backing down from the ban. Considering this change was essentially put in place immediately, though, the policy threw the U.S.’s trash processing system for a whirlwind.

“If it doesn’t go to China for two to three months, you’ll have 1 million tons of paper stacked somewhere in the American economy,” said Ranjit Baxi, president of the Brussels-based Bureau of International Recycling, to Bloomberg.

Baxi was exactly correct, as the U.S. is already feeling the effects of the ban. The Washington Post reported that states like Massachusetts and Oregon are changing some of their waste restrictions, dumping recyclable material into landfills. In California, the effect has been “heavy” according to a Waste Dive report that has been tracking the outcomes of China’s scrap limitations since Nov. 2017. Locally, an LA County Sanitation Districts official told Marketplace that 15-20 percent more material is ending up in the Puente Hills facility as residual contamination. Managing waste domestically in a sustainable fashion already posed a significant challenge, but now with China out of the picture, trash is pouring out of American landfills.

“Depending on the areas and cities, landfills are filling a bit more quickly, and I know there has been some talk about large cities trying to find the landfill space further and further from their city centers, perhaps even in different states,” Becker said. “That tends to engender quite a bit of opposition.”

The scariest thing? Even though the trash trade went on for decades, the ban has only been in practice for less than a year, but the consequences are already eliciting drastic results.

Source: Asian Review

China’s decisions to limit its importation of trash is like a form of self-care: by cutting out toxic relationships, the country is now able to focus on improving the life quality of its citizens. America, however, cannot function without exporting its scrap, so Southeast Asian countries have become China’s replacement. Thus, China itself may be on a greener path, but the waste problem at large simply has simply shifted from one landmass to the next, raising the same environmental issues for different people groups.

“I think the same concerns the Chinese had with the areas of toxicity are also valid in South and Southeast Asia where the trash is going,” Becker said. “As far as Southeast Asia is concerned, for some, they do want the materials to help them industrialize, but it’s largely a means by which to make money. So, I imagine [importing trash] would be pretty bad for the local populations, the same reason why the Chinese chose to end this.”

In essence, Southeast Asian countries are importing waste for similar reasons that China did. Recycling was an introductory means toward progress, but processing trash is not a long-term environmental or economic solution. Countries such as Malaysia and Thailand are already expressing frustration at the burden the increasing amounts of trash have placed on the countries.

Steve Wong, managing director of Fukutomi, a plastic recycling and trading company in Hong Kong, told Asian Review that Southeast Asian nations cannot handle even half of the volume China imported in the past.

“The abrupt China ban leaves [Southeast Asian] countries unprepared to receive the huge influx of waste,” Wong said.

Waste in Thailand. Source: Asian Review

From Jan. to March 2018, Thailand imported 121,000 tons of trash, a 17.7 percent increase from the same period a year before, according to data released by the Global Trade Atlas. Malaysia’s trash importation increased fourfold, and Vietnam, Taiwan and South Korea also have seen significant increases. Meanwhile, China and Hong Kong have seen more than 90 percent decreases.

Just because China banned the import of scrap in favor of the environment, however, doesn’t mean Chinese recyclers were financially happy with the decision. According to Wong, an estimated 1,700 licensed Chinese recyclers were affected by the import ban, and about 40 percent of them have relocated their operations to Southeast Asian countries.

“Up to 1,000 Chinese businessmen are asking for licenses to do recycling in Thailand, with total investment of up to 250 million baht ($7.6 million),” said a senior official at Thailand’s Industry Ministry. As a result, Thailand has put an indefinite hold on licensing to counter Chinese land ventures, according to Asian Review.

Between fights for land, trash and the environment, the entire trash trade narrative boils down to the same core problems: How do we fix our massive trash habits, and why is waste so problematic?

Frontier Group lists several environmental consequences of waste production. Most notably, about 42 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions are created from the production, transportation and disposal of goods, which is a direct contributor to global warming. Garbage that does not get dumped in landfills or recycling plants often ends up in the ocean, which is detrimental for marine biodiversity, habitats and overall water quality. Air quality is affected. Discarded materials waste natural resources. Landfills decrease property value and overall quality of life. The list, really, could go on forever.

U.S. citizens, however, can only do so much because the larger issue of waste is a top-down problem. Though each American disposes an average of 2,555 pounds of materials per year, those materials only make up 3 percent of all solid waste in the United States. When a majority of waste comes from industrial processes like mining, manufacturing and agriculture, encouraging individual choices, ultimately, can only make so much of a difference.

So, as a quick anecdote, let’s return to the plastic straw ban. Though Seattle issued a ban in July on all single-use plastic straws and utensils at all food service businesses, it was not the first city of its kind to enact such a ruling. Seattle made the plastic straw ban trendy, though, because the city is the birthplace of Starbucks, which is an inherently trendy brand. Therefore, the small-scale straw issue became widespread as Seattle-based Starbucks no longer could utilize their famous green single-use plastic straws.

As the negative view of plastic straws caught on, many were suddenly switching their plastic straws for paper or stainless steel ones and felt they were saving the planet as a result. The truth? There are eight million tons of plastic streaming into the ocean annually, and plastic straws only make up 0.025 percent of that waste, according to National Geographic.

“[The plastic straw ban is] not going to solve the problem, but it’s at least raising awareness for a lot of people — an increasing amount of recycling, pressure being placed on corporations in particular to try and manage some of the packaging issues,” Becker said. “There’s a greater public awareness as a result of this. I think that’s probably going to continue.”

The plastic straw ban is more of a poster child for larger environmental and economic problems associated with waste than it is the actual solution to waste itself. Even if the U.S. were to completely rid of every plastic straw in sight, the U.S.’s need to export recyclables and deal with the environmental consequences of trash would not be impacted. The plastic straw ban, however, does have the potential to start a chain reaction with eradicating bigger forms of plastic. With China’s limitations on trash and increased awareness surrounding waste, maybe in coming years the world won’t be such a trashy place after all.

Labeling carbon like calories

The world emitted 32.5 gigatons, or 32.5 billion metric tons, in 2017. Globally, agriculture accounts for 24% of these greenhouse gas emissions, with livestock accounting for about 14.5% to 18%. This makes animal production alone more polluting than the entire global transportation industry. And though agriculture isn’t always the most popular topic when it comes to policy conversations around climate change, the data make a compelling argument to change the way we consume livestock.

Pie chart showing emissions by sector. 25% is from electricity and heat production; 14% from transport; 6% from residential and commercial buildings; 21% from industry; 24% from agriculture, forestry and other land use; 10% from other energy uses.

Source: EPA

According to Drawdown, the self-proclaimed  “most comprehensive plan […] to reverse global warming,” a shift to plant-rich diets is the fourth most impactful solution (out of 80) to achieve this goal, with the potential to reduce atmospheric CO2 by 66.11 gigatons.

 If 50 percent of the world’s population restricts their diet to a healthy 2,500 calories per day and reduces meat consumption overall, we estimate at least 26.7 gigatons of emissions could be avoided from dietary change alone. If avoided deforestation from land use change is included, an additional 39.3 gigatons of emissions could be avoided, making healthy, plant-rich diets one of the most impactful solutions at a total of 66 gigatons reduced.

Despite the well-documented research on the benefits of a plant-rich diet, global meat demand has remained untouched, and consumption in all animal categories has increased linearly since the 1960s. It doesn’t appear to be slowing down.

Source

A recent paper authored by Joseph Poore of Oxford University and published in Science indicates both alarming new research regarding food emissions and revisits pragmatic solutions. Poore’s findings corroborate existing research that animal products, particularly red meat, contribute substantially more to greenhouse gas emissions than any plant based food. Average emissions, or kilograms of CO2 equivalent, for 100g of protein in beef are 50 kgCO2eq. For peas, that number is 0.4 kg, or 0.8%. Beef emissions are unequivocally higher, even when factoring in high quantities of “food miles” that many plants bear. Food miles indicate the distance, say, an avocado from Mexico has to travel to the café in Notting Hill where you enjoy your avocado toast on a Sunday morning.

Poore revisits a powerful solution: give more power to the consumer. Food consumption is a uniquely personal choice involving individual preferences and dietary requirements, making any restriction on high carbon food consumption undesirable. Poore advocates for labeling a food’s carbon impact, a measure that would aim to reduce the overall demand for animal products. Reducing demand would theoretically reduce production, as is necessary in the free market, profit-maximizing model. In practice, carbon labeling would look like an additional piece of information required on nutrition labels. Carbon impact, like calorie content, would be required.

On unpackaged food, carbon may be labeled on the grocery store tags or on the glass panes that shelter the meat counter. Enforcement of a policy such as this not only democratizes information regarding food impact, but also allows customers to make conscious choices about the foods he chooses to purchase.

Providing more information to the consumer nearly always sounds like a good idea. But there are very real costs associated with a benefit such as this. Labeling all food products requires impact studies and manufacturing changes. Simply updating a food label costs businesses, on average, $6,000 per SKU, a significant cost for firms that produce hundreds of food items. We could imagine that labeling carbon may cost much more, as there are no current metrics to update—the data would have to be created for the first time. This information would be gleaned from impact studies, research that derives from tracing each ingredient to its origin and calculating its carbon impact throughout the supply chain, an activity that is sure to be much more costly than traditional nutrition labels, where information can be tested and obtained in a lab. Supply chains are rarely transparent or easy to track, and doing so will cost substantial amounts of money for companies to comply. There is also the matter of verification. Should companies be charged with labeling the carbon impact of each product, it would be easy, and almost predicted, that some of those numbers may be inaccurate and, therefore, counterproductive. To execute this successfully there must be verification agencies in place—auditing for environmental impacts, not just financial ones.

To many companies, $6,000 or more per item is pocket change. For others, like emerging start-ups in the food industry or small family farms, it’s the end of a company. That said, food giants are constantly updating their labels to market their product’s “new look, same great taste!” Carbon labels gives companies a new excuse to rebrand! This does, however, puts extraordinary pressure on small players in the industry like family grocers, many of whom are providing the healthiest, least polluting items. This dynamic indicates the need for government subsidies to assist financing large projects such as this.

Government subsidies may cause public outcry, particularly given the intense budget negotiations and lobbying power in Washington. In 2017, the United States government issued $16,185,786,300 dollars in farm subsidies, over $7 billion of which was allocated to commodities. Over $5 billion dollars was allocated to corn subsidies alone in 2017, a crop that’s primary use is—yes—to feed livestock.

chartSource: World of Corn

If we were to allocate a fraction of these subsidies away from crops that we artificially overproduce, we could provide substantial funding for these impact studies that may assist in tangibly relieving the environmental impact of carbon in the food system. This money would not be difficult to find—the low-hanging inefficiency fruit in the budget office is bountiful and ripe. The Economist reports that “between 2007 and 2011 Uncle Sam paid some $3m in subsidies to 2,300 farms where no crop of any sort was grown. Between 2008 and 2012, $10.6m was paid to farmers who had been dead for over a year.”

By offering initial subsidies to domestic companies, we could numb the pain of a potentially jarring regulation to offset the initial start-up costs associated with new research and a new labels. After this research and methodology improves and becomes standardized, government subsidies could eventually be eliminated, and costs to individual companies would be normalized.

Do we really need to put a carbon label on kale, though? Can’t we trust the common consumer be educated enough to distinguish between environmentally impactful foods and benign ones? Not really, and it’s not because consumers are inept. Adrian Williams, an agricultural researcher commissioned by the British government to study the carbon imprint of different foods, addressed this succinctly in a 2008 New Yorker essay.

“Everyone always wants to make ethical choices about the food they eat and the things they buy… And they should. It’s just that what seems obvious often is not. And we need to make sure people understand that before they make decisions on how they ought to live.”

Perhaps the most glaring hurdle to implementing these labels is educating consumers enough that they understand them. In 2007, Tesco, the largest supermarket chain in Britain, pledged to put carbon labels on all 70,000 of their products. Four years into the project, the grocer abandoned the initiative “because the message [was] too complicated” after labeling only 500 products. Though the move to change business strategy was multi-faceted, Tesco’s decision ultimately came down to two elements: no one else followed suit, and consumers didn’t know how to read them.

Developed with the Carbon Trust, most of these labels appeared like black and white footprints with the correlated grams of CO2 emitted printed in the middle. And while these labels offer a point of comparison in the lower corner, most consumers simply look over this fact. When I myself was living in London for a few months, I saw these labels frequently and had no idea what they were, and I didn’t bother to find out, either.

These labels must not only be designed better, but we must also educate the public about what they mean. This means more media coverage, more government campaigns, and more exposure to the labels at a young age. Demand and, therefore, the carbon impact of the food system, will not change if consumers don’t know what’s going on.

As with all new ideas, these suggestions are bound to bring warranted debate and discussion, but the debates alone should not discourage us from enacting such policies. As with any action, there are trade-offs. An investment in labeling carbon is a plausible first step towards investing in a new version of economic growth that considers environmental health in addition to financial.

A common argument against carbon labeling is the question of where in the supply chain tracking begins. And doesn’t it all get too complicated? We can get wrapped up in the idea of where the carbon tracking starts and if the gasoline the farmer used to buy the seed that planted the corn should be accounted for in that model. But those nuances, while crucial in the execution, miss the point. Carbon labeling gives us the benefit of comparison between products. It doesn’t matter where in the supply chain it starts, as long as its standardized and a true reflection of reality. The most crucial element of this all is that the average man going grocery shopping on his way home from work can easily see that a pound of ground beef produces a lot more carbon than a pound of turkey. It’s then up to the consumer how far he wants to exercise his carbon freedoms. Maybe he’ll become a vegetarian, but maybe he’ll just choose to eat turkey tonight. That may be where we are as a society right now. And that’s okay.

Because there will not be a strong economic advantage to choose a food item lower on the carbon impact scale, it’s necessary to note that this measure alone will not sufficiently change market conditions to reduce emissions. It is, however, a powerful way for early adopters to advocate through purchases, and an effective way to spread information about the impacts of individual choices on the environment.

On a practical level, this is a policy for consumer education. On a philosophical level, this is a policy to get people closer to the goods they consume, exposing, label by label, what’s really going on in the supply chain.

To be clear, labeling carbon will not curb emissions enough to actually meet the IPCC’s goal of 1.5 degrees C of warming. True and meaningful action requires putting a real price on carbon reflective of its value and integrating the environment into our economic fabric. This policy must be part of an ecosystem of changing action, thought, and discussion. This policy is forcing consumers to literally look at their choices in black and white and show them the environmental costs of a lifestyle. Carbon labeling is not going to save the icecaps, but it may be our best chance at bringing consumers closer to the goods we consume.

Uber vs. NYC Taxi Drivers

As innovation in technology expands, so does the impact on many traditional industries. Accompanying these advances comes a shift in which jobs are in higher demand, and which jobs are threatened. Uber has revolutionized the car service market. It provides its customers with low prices, convenience, and comfort. This has caused harm to taxi companies, especially in cities like New York with an embedded high demand for taxis. Uber and other similar services have caused devastating change for traditional taxi drivers. New York City has made attempts to regulate Uber and other for-hire services in order to create a more competitive field for taxi drivers. Despite these efforts, it is unclear how long the advances in technology can be controlled. 

New York City taxis operate under a system that is controlled by medallions which are essentially licenses needed in order to operate a yellow cab. A driver who bought a medallion for a low six-figure sum could borrow against its rising value, and then use those proceeds to improve his quality of life. There are some family-run fleet operators who own hundreds of medallions. Unfortunately for established drivers, the cost of a medallion has plummeted since Uber has entered New York. (Berger) In 2013, the cost to purchase a medallion hit $1.3 million. However, by March of 2017 the price of a taxi medallion crashed to its lowest level in a decade when one was sold for $241,000. In January 2017, medallions accounted for 48% of total trips logged by yellow taxis, which is down from 68% in January 2016. Additionally, in 2016 lenders foreclosed on 39 medallions, which is more than triple the amount of 2015. (Agovino) Banks stopped lending to the majority of medallion buyers a few years ago because they were no longer solid investments. Mr. Daus heads a firm with several clients with large medallion portfolios. He believes that taken together the sales show that “the market has already bottomed out,” and indeed there are signs that the market for medallions may have stabilized. New York City closely controls the issuance of medallions, which number around 13,600 which prevents further devaluation. The problem is that given the market declines, many medallion owners owe more than the value of their medallions. (Berger) Once Uber entered the New York City market, too many drivers were chasing too few passengers and that pressure seems unlikely to change.

While it was originally assumed that Uber was only targeting neighborhoods with an already limited supply of taxis, this appears to not be the case.  

This graph demonstrates that there is an increase in Uber drivers in the central business district, which is known to be a hotspot for taxi hailers. From June 2013 to June 2015, Uber’s pickups in the central business district rose from around 175,000 to 1.8 million, while taxi pickups have fallen by around 1.4 million. This means that in a neighborhood where Uber and taxis directly compete, only 13% of the growth in Uber rides resulted from a growth in demand. The remaining 87% have replaced trips that would have gone to taxis. Additionally, passengers tend to use Uber more for late night trips due to its convenience and comfort. Citywide, taxi rides between the hours of 11pm to 5am have fallen by 22% from June 2013 to June 2015, while taxi ridership has declined by 12% in the hours of 5am to 11pm. (“A Tale of Two Cities”) Given the meaningful market share of Uber, it is clear that many passengers seems to favor Uber’s services. 

Uber’s original business approach was geared towards growing quickly so that others couldn’t replicate its model. CEO Travis Kalanick instilled a hyperactive management style that valued speed over integrity. He did this to preemptively wipe out competition by gaining market share and dollar gains in its early days. However, the finish line for this strategy is yet to be in sight. Despite the disruptive effects of Uber’s aggressive pursuit of market share, the overall demand for rides is still surging. Uber has recorded that the number of completed rides in the first quarter of 2017 has tripled compared to the first quarter of 2016. Currently, the momentum of the company coupled with its $7.2 billion cash hoard should ensure Uber’s survival. Looking forward, Uber’s best plan of action would be to engage in vertical integration in order to beat out its competition. This would consist of controlling the newest automobile technology. While Uber does not seem to be willing to lock down its employees using employment contracts, it could dominate the market by eventually owning a fleet of self-driving cars. These vehicles could be the realization of Uber attaining tech-giant status. (Mims)

Uber’s business model relies on the network effect. This means that the indirect values and goods of the company grow as more people use the service. Uber was able to out-compete traditional taxis with lower prices. However, it is impossible to determine how long Uber can maintain these low prices. Uber does offer its customers other advantages in addition to pricing. It provides ease of use through its simplified ordering process, ability to track the driver, simplified payment process, and easy ability to split fares. It instilled practical features such as its method of rating drivers, its consistent branding, its electronic receipts, and its choice of cars which range from standard to lux. The business model of Uber in itself is quite simple. It does not own any cars so all that is required is the use of technology to connect drivers with rides. The company, then, takes a portion of the transaction. In the early stages of the company, Uber spent almost no money on marketing relying on word of mouth. Uber’s initial challenges consisted primarily of: how easily and cheaply competitors could replicate the service. Competitors could improve on Uber’s model in certain cities and take market share. Additionally, the requirement that Uber launch in many cities around the world in order to preempt competition was difficult to manage. Clearly, Uber’s biggest obstacle is competition. (Koch)

In seeking growth, Uber hugely effected the lives of taxi drivers. Some drivers suffered extreme consequences. Nicanor Ochisor was an immigrant from Romania who worked as a NYC taxi driver. Ochisor had bought his medallion almost three decades ago. Initially that was an excellent investment, but after the introduction of Uber, the value plunged by 2018. Despite working 12 hour shifts, he was bringing home less money than before. In March of 2018, Nicanor Ochisor committed suicide. There has been a marked increase in deaths of drivers  given the economic pressures facing many taxi and livery drivers. Between January of 2018 to May of 2018, 4 drivers took their own lives. (Fitzsimmons) The situation has become so drastic that it has become clear that regulations are needed to prevent Uber and other similar services from destroying the taxi industry. 

To combat Uber’s growth, the New York City Council created a cap on the number of for-hire delivery and transportation vehicles in the city. Additionally, in August 2018 the council put a halt on issuing new for-hire vehicle licenses for 12 months giving the counsel time to study the rapidly growing industry. Companies like Uber and Lyft will be required to provide the council data on usage and charges or they will face a $10,000 fine for noncompliance. New York is Uber’s most profitable market, yet it is the first United States city to propose a temporary restriction on the total number of vehicles. Yellow taxis are a staple of New York and the council is fighting to keep them afloat. Uber is arguing that creating a cap will leave drivers without an income. It will also disproportionately harm low-income and minority residents in New York’s outer boroughs who lack easy access to many forms of public transportation as well as access to taxi services. (Wodinsky) Despite Uber’s protests, New York does plan on mandating benefits for Uber drivers with these new changes. 

New York City regulators are planning on raising wages for Uber and similar services. Uber is known to be less expensive and more comfortable than taxis, but many of the drivers are struggling to earn a good living given the pay structure. Under the new regulation, if a driver’s profit fall below $17.22 per hour over the course of a week, the companies will be required to make up the difference. Currently, in New York City, about 40% of drivers have incomes so low that they qualify for Medicaid while about 18% qualify for food stamps. Some drivers bought vehicles believing the claim that they could make up to $5,000 during their first month of driving. They now feel trapped as their earnings fall short. (Fitzsimmons, Scheiber) Uber’s objection is that this will cause a rise in prices for consumers. This impact on pricing actually helps the regulators’s initiative. If Uber must pay their drivers higher wages, then the number of drivers hired will be limited and the cost of Uber will go up. Being unable to hire more drivers will enforce the cap on Uber and higher Uber prices will create more equal competition between Uber and taxi drivers. 

Taxi drivers in European cities have also faced decline in business due to Uber. The responses there have been more aggressive. In London, drivers brought streets around Trafalgar Square to a stop while honking their horns and holding signs in protest of the new technologically savvy driving services. In Madrid, hundreds of drivers marched through the streets blowing whistles. One banner read, “For the security of passengers and the future of taxis: Uber is illegal.” Also in Madrid, protestors surrounded and pounded on two black sedans that were unlicensed taxis. The front and rear windows of the one of the cars were broken. In Italy, taxi drivers handed out leaflets denouncing Uber and hung a banner that read, “Illegality Reigns Sovereign!” In Naples, dozens of taxi drivers protested in the city’s center, blocking traffic for hours. In Paris, hundreds of cabbies led strikes causing traffic jams and altercations between taxi drivers and drivers for other services. Finally, protests spread as far as Rio de Janeiro. While the city prepared itself for the 2014 World Cup, dozens of taxis formed lines and moved slowly along the Copacabana. (Fleisher) Clearly, taxi drivers around the world are prepared to fight for their jobs.

Uber was created as an industry disrupter seeking to defeat many of its competitors. Uber’s goal was to revolutionize the for-hire car service industry. The strategy was to grow quickly and gain a large customer base. Uber accomplished its goal by starting up in cities all over the world and by providing low prices. Unfortunately, this strategy decimated traditional taxi companies and its drivers and owners. Taxis have experienced massive declines in ridership which is especially felt in New York City where Uber has one of its largest customer bases. While regulations have been put in place to help the taxi industry, it is unclear whether these trends will ever be reversed. 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/with-kalanick-out-ubers-troubles-are-just-beginning-1498049054

https://www.entrepreneur.com/article/286683

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/how-much-is-a-nyc-taxi-medallion-worth-these-days/

https://www.wsj.com/articles/is-the-market-for-new-york-taxi-medallions-showing-signs-of-life-1516228199

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/02/nyregion/uber-drivers-pay-nyc.html

https://www.theverge.com/2018/8/8/17661374/uber-lyft-nyc-cap-vote-city-council-new-york-taxi

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/01/nyregion/a-taxi-driver-took-his-own-life-his-family-blames-ubers-influence.html

https://www.wsj.com/articles/londons-black-cab-drivers-protest-against-taxi-apps-1402499319

https://www.economist.com/united-states/2015/08/15/a-tale-of-two-cities

The Looming Costs to Rebuild: California’s Wildfires Illuminate Long-Standing Problems with the Construction Labor Market

In the aftermath of California’s most deadly wildfire season, in which 88 people were killed and over 18,000 structures destroyed, tens of thousands of displaced residents looking to return and rebuild are faced with yet another costly obstacle: a severe construction labor shortage.

In Butte County, where the deadly Camp Fire had decimated nearly 14,000 homes (around 18% of total homes built on an average year in California), the shortage could exacerbate the already tight housing market.

“Nobody’s gone into construction as a career for twenty to thirty years,” said Kate Leyden, executive director of the Chico Builders Association. “So we had a problem to begin with. We didn’t have workers and we had a very tight housing market even in Butte County.”

Leyden said that the labor shortage is pervasive all through Northern California and that builders often have to bring in workers from other counties to come in to work. But this then leaves a shortage of workers in the county of origin.

“Even if they come from Sacramento, that hurts Sacramento. In our area, we have these circles of fires—Santa Rosa, then Redding, and now Paradise—with each one of them, like with Santa Rosa, we see our trades go to Santa Rosa,” said Leyden. “To the north of us—Redding lost a thousand homes in July— we were concerned that we’d lose our trades to Redding, but they’re still cleaning up lots.”

In addition, around 1500 of the construction workforce in Butte County lost their homes, over a third of the 4500 workers the county had to begin with, according to Leyden.

Scott Littlehale, a senior research-analyst for the Northern California Carpenters Regional Council, said that much of the labor shortages are occurring in the residential construction labor pool, as opposed to the non-residential pool.

According to Littlehale, for decades residential developers have been relying on cheaper, more “unskilled” labor, as opposed to the more unionized laborer force in non-residential construction.

“The residential construction labor market was heavily influenced by immigration. It became a critical element. And immigration flows are way down.” Littlehale said.

“I think what the fires do is reveal that the residential industry has come to a dead end with a kind of ad-hoc, low road workforce strategy of relying on the cheapest labor that builders can find.”

He also cites the uneven keel of power between laborers and developers as another major factor, which have been driving down wages.

“It used to be that housing builders negotiated over terms and conditions with the unions. That has for the most part not been the case for decades because they left the collective bargaining table,” said Littlehale.

Low wages combined with the high injury rate in construction, he said, are the reason why many of the local young are discouraged about entering into the trade. You either take less pay and risk falling through a hole or roof or go into less stressful work.

According to Peter Phillips, a labor economist from the University of Utah, in more rural regions like Butte County, even raising wages won’t always guarantee a burgeoning construction labor force.

“Even if contractors do raise wages, that doesn’t necessarily bring new workers into the labor market if the labor market is isolated, such as rural labor markets around Northern California like Chico and Paradise,” said Phillips. “All construction is local. In places like Chico and Paradise, the construction industry has evolved to fit the size of that community. So there’s a hand-in-glove element where the construction industry comes to fit the size of the local community.”

For those on limited incomes, the costs to rebuild will be close to impossible to afford, especially for the uninsured and underinsured.

“We’ve been in Samona County after the North Bay fires in October in 2017 and when we surveyed the people we worked with six months after the fire, 66 percent of them were underinsured by some amount,” said Sandra Watts, project coordinator for United Policy Holders, a non-profit insurance consumer advocacy group. “Because of the location of Paradise, we anticipate it’s going to be quite a bit worse because there’s already fewer resources up there,” she said.

“We have something like 300 houses on the market for sale (before the fires). Now there are 61. Thirty of them were over a million dollars,” said Leyden. “So the people who could buy houses fast, bought houses right away. Then, the apartments got snapped up.”

With FEMA coming into Butte County to bring temporary trailer homes for displaced families, the first major step will be in the lengthy cleanup process that is to come.

“There’s never been anything like this. We’re sort of making it up as we go along,” said Leyden. “When this fire broke out, Chico Builders Associaton called an emergency meeting on how we can keep our construction labor force. The last thing we want is to lose what little workers we have.”

 

Labor Trends and Consumer Preferences: McDonald’s Reimagines Fast Food

The grip that McDonald’s has on the fast food industry is currently being challenged—not by a competitor, but instead by a labor crunch. The company is adding new technology in its restaurants to adapt, and as long as these renovations are successful, competitors will likely follow suit.

In recent years, McDonald’s has been unable to meet consumer demands, in large part because of the current labor landscape. First, there’s the rise of the gig economy, where workers can spend the day putting together someone else’s IKEA furniture through TaskRabbit instead of working a cash register. Second, minimum wage is increasing across the country, which means it’s harder for companies to afford enough employees to make their businesses run.

Plus, due to low unemployment, the labor market has changed dramatically. While a high employment rate is typically considered positive since it increases our country’s capacity to produce, it also means that businesses looking for workers will have a harder time finding them. This trend hurts fast food companies in particular, since jobs in the industry are often seen as less desirable compared to other options that offer higher pay and better benefits. The current economy favors workers, who can pick and choose where to work—and fast food restaurants often aren’t their first choice.

Source: The Wall Street Journal

In addition, less teenagers are working, which hurts the fast food industry in particular. In 2000, 45 percent of young adults aged 16 to 19 had jobs, whereas today, only around 30 percent do because more students are focused on their education. Teenagers historically provided cheap labor that fast food relied on, but now that source of labor has decreased drastically.

Source: The New York Times | Bureau of Labor Statistics

There were 898,000 open jobs in the accommodation and food services industry in August 2018, which was 20 percent higher than August 2017, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. If unemployment says low, we can expect the number of vacant positions in fast food to continue growing.

This market also means it’s harder for fast food chains to retain workers. Workers are quitting at the highest rate in over a dozen years, and the turnover rate in the restaurant industry at large was 133 percent last year, according to TDn2k, a restaurant research firm.

To address the changing labor landscape, some companies have raised their wages. In 2014, fast food wages began to increase and have risen at a higher pace than overall wages in the U.S. ever since. In May 2018, the owner of one Chick-fil-A store made headlines when he decided to increase pay of his workers from $12-$13 to $17-$18.

Instead of increasing wages—which McDonald’s promised to do in 2015 at company-operated stores but has failed to deliver on—the fast food giant has found other ways to entice employees. In October, the company announced an innovative career advising program. According to Stephanie Chan, who oversees the company’s Brand Reputation in California, Arizona, and Nevada, McDonald’s has also grown its career services department so that assistance “isn’t just being offered to employees themselves—it’s open to their immediate family as well.” Earlier this year, the company also announced that it was allocating $150 million to its education program and lowering the eligibility requirements, allowing an additional 400,000 employees to be eligible for tuition assistance and high school diploma programs.


Archways to Opportunity, the company’s education opportunities program, provides a variety of benefits to McDonald’s employees. Source: Archways to Opportunity.

In the long run, the trouble that companies are having hiring and retaining workers hurts customers, since new workers or fewer employees means that the quality of service worsens. According to the American Consumer Satisfaction Index’s national measure of consumer happiness, on a sale of 1 to 100, consumer moods have slid from 77 in the first quarter of 2017 to 76.7, where it has sat for all of 2018. The Index reports that this is “the longest period of stagnation since 1993.”

As a result of growing dissatisfaction, American fast food restaurants have less foot traffic and have become less profitable. In September 2018, there were 2.6 percent less people visiting fast food stores than a year ago, which means fewer opportunities to sell food. At McDonald’s, revenue was 7.32 percent less in 2017 than in 2016, which followed a 3.11 percent decrease from 2015.

This decline in customer satisfaction is partially an outcome of higher expectations. Recent growth in the restaurant industry means customers have more choices when deciding where to eat, which has led to fierce competition. In a recent survey, 26 percent of U.S. consumers said that because they have so many dining options, they have higher expectations than they did two years ago.

Customers also have higher expectations in terms of the food production process. As a result of demands for better ingredient quality and less animal cruelty, companies have already been forced to adapt. After Panera Bread and Chipotle Mexican Grill led the way, chains like Chick-fil-A, Burger King, Taco Bell, McDonald’s, and KFC instituted policies that would limit antibiotic use in poultry. Plus, McDonald’s announced a few years ago that it would use 100 percent cage-free eggs in the U.S. and Canada by 2025.

Source: The Center for Food Integrity

The company also announced earlier this year that it would start making fresh beef quarter-pounders rather than relying on frozen meat. Evette Gonzales, a McDonald’s store manager in Los Angeles, said that her location in Century City is “selling more quarter-pound beef since we changed over.” In fact, sales at her location are up 5 percent this year, which she largely credits to the introduction of fresh patties.

Consumers are also requesting lower prices, causing many stores to offer discounts and deals. At McDonald’s, this has taken shape in the revamped Dollar Menu, which launched in early 2018 and features $1, $2, and $3 options. Plus, back in 2015, McDonald’s started offering breakfast all day after years of pressure from customers.

All of these tactics to meet consumer needs seem to be paying off. In the company’s most recent earnings report, which came out at the end of September, same-sales stores growth went up in the U.S. and internationally, although the 2.4 percent increase in same-store sales in the U.S. was actually fueled by higher prices, driven by increased commodity costs. Additionally, the earnings report shows a 7 percent decrease in revenue and a 13 percent decrease in net income compared to a year ago. Despite these seemingly-negative figures, the company largely beat expectations from analysts, who assumed that the company’s earnings per share would be at $1.99 but instead came in at $2.10, and that revenue would be around $5.32 billion instead of $5.37 billion. Therefore, while McDonald’s is still not performing as well as it has in the past, the fact that the company outperformed some projections shows that their tactics may be working.

Quarter 3 expectations and results from 2017 and 2018 for revenue and earnings per share. Source: Terifs

This largely positive quarter stands in strong contrast with how McDonald’s was viewed by investors earlier this year. In June, the company was on its way to becoming the worst performing in the DOW in 2018, in large part because shares dropped dramatically in March after the Dollar Menu brought in uninspired results. Since then, the company has rebounded.

Stock price of McDonald’s Corporation over the course of 2018. The company took a hit after lackluster sales from its Dollar Menu, but has managed to recover ahead of 2019. Source: Google Finance

Despite these tactics to appease customers, and the steps taken to attract and retain employees, larger trends have weighed heavily on McDonald’s. As a result, the company has separated itself from competitors by taking more drastic action.

It’s called “The Experience of the Future,” a remodeling plan that was supposed to be completed by 2020, but was just pushed back to 2022 because franchises believed the previous timetable was unrealistic. The remodels will include self-order kiosks, new systems for delivering orders, and extra drive-thru lanes. Additionally, over 12,000 stores will have digital menu boards, more parking spots for pick-up, and expanded counters and display cases. Beyond this initiative, McDonald’s has already invested in its mobile ordering and payment system, which is currently operating in 20,000 stores, and introduced delivery through a partnership with UberEats.

A customer using a self-order kiosk at McDonald’s. Source: Bloomberg

The price tag for the project is big —in August, the company announced that in addition to what it had already set aside, another $6 billion would be put toward the modernization process. While the technological advancements are certainly costly, McDonald’s sees them as an investment that will pay off. Although few stores have received their makeovers, given how much McDonald’s is devoting to renovations, investors are bullish about the stock heading into 2019.

However, opinions diverge on exactly what is the driving force behind the massive renovation project.

According to Shon Hiatt, a Professor of Business Administration at the University of Southern California and expert in the world of fast food, investmenting in technology “is a fantastic way to address the labor cost issue—they don’t need nearly as many people.” With greater technology integrated throughout the restaurants, Hiatt predicts that McDonald’s will reduce the number of employees. This makes sense given the current labor market—right now, it’s hard to find workers, plus thanks to the rise of minimum wage, companies are devoting more and more money to afford their staff. Through technology, McDonald’s can put that revenue to use elsewhere.

However, this change will likely have dramatic implications in the long-run. If companies cut employees as the move toward automation, Hiatt cautions that will increasingly “displace those who are the least qualified in terms of having a job,” taking away their minimum-wage position and throwing them into the job market with the subpar skills one learns flipping burgers. At the same time, Hiatt notes that a low-paying job like one at McDonald’s at least provides an opportunity to learn transferable skills like customer service and sales. Without that possibility, many individuals will have even less of a chance to dig themselves out of systemic poverty.

Those inside McDonald’s tell a different tale. Chan said the move toward innovation is focused on “meeting customers where they are at” and listening to their preferences, not a labor crunch. She said that the focus of the innovations is on “putting more choice in the hands of guests—evolving what they order, how they order, how they’re paying, and how they’re served.” While many believe that self-serve kiosks will take away jobs, Chan says the opposite is true—stores will have to “increase jobs because with the introduction of the kiosk, it introduces several new positions into the restaurants” including a team member to show customers how to work the technology. In Century City, Gonzales agrees that “the technology actually calls for more employees, because customers are afraid of how to use the screens.”

Despite these arguments, employing technology instead of people seems to be the way the industry is moving, given comments made last year by Yum brands CEO Greg Reed. Even if the argument made by Chan is true now, one is still left to wonder whether the positions created by the technology will last. Once customers learn how to use the ordering devices—which most people know how to do already—that job could easily vanish, along with others that are no longer necessary in the redesigned stores.

Whether the main driver behind the investments is rising labor costs—which, given the evidence, seems likely—or changing consumer demands, or some combination of both, McDonald’s is forging ahead with technology in hand to do what it has deemed necessary to save its business.

This McDonald’s in Sydney, Australia is an example of what renovated stores may look like across the U.S. Source: Fast Company 

While it’s unclear how customers will respond to the renovations and if McDonald’s will turn higher profits as a result of them, one thing is for sure: if any fast food company is suited to address the challenges headed their way, it’s McDonald’s.

Although competitors are starting to invest in automation, and have begun offering greater employee benefits and discounts for consumers, no other company is investing as heavily in its future as McDonald’s is right now. In her past year working for McDonald’s, Chan has seen that “there’s innovation happening constantly throughout the company—whether that’s with technology, the food, what we are doing with our people. There’s a constant forward movement.” As a result, she believes that whatever comes next, the company is well-suited to face it head on.

China’s Major Cities May Welcome Migrant Workers, But Not Their Children_Final Project

a hukou book’s photo (photo by Chengdu Living)

A Chinese migrant worker couple Jianhong Fang and Zhou Wang have worked in Suzhou, one of wealthiest cities in China with high GDP per capita 145,205 CNY (21,868 USD), for the past 15 years. They work at the same electronic factory, earn money to support their daily lives and send the rest of the earnings to their parents and eight-year-old son Ming Wang.

Ming Wang has studied at his hometown Yancheng with his grandparents for the past eight years. Although in the same province, Yancheng’s economic development is much slower than Suzhou does. The city’s GDP per capita was 58,299 CNY (8,780 USD) in 2015, 0.4 times of Suzhou’s GDP per capita.

What has distinguished Ming Wang and his parents is the hukou system, a household registration system that the government has implemented to allow each citizen to only enjoy their social benefits in the registration place and then control population imbalance within big cities.

According to the China Labour Bulletin, there were more than 287 million rural migrant workers in 2017, making up 36 percent of the entire working population in China. Because of the natural drive of the economy, workers who were born in an urban area tend to search for a job in a metropolitan area. China’s economic rise has relied on these rural migrants.

Although some workers may access the healthcare and social benefits of their working cities by having their employers paid accumulation funds for them, their children usually cannot go to school in their working cities.

Ming Wang’s hukou is in Yancheng. So, without giving up their satisfying jobs in Suzhou, Fang and Wang may never live together with their little son.

Children like Ming Wang have been called “left-behind children,” which means migrant workers have left their children with family members, usually children’s grandparents, in their hometown.

At the end of 2015, Fang and Wang decided to have a second child after the Chinese Communist Party announced the new two-children policy, which allows Chinese couples to have two children without paying extra fees, would replace the old one-child policy.

After one year, their second son Jin Wang was born. Fang and Wang said because of the revision of the hukou policy in 2014, they may be able to let their second son to be educated in Suzhou.

 

The History & Revision of the Education Hukou Policy

 

The vast population of China requires its government to control labor distributions within each region more effectively. Therefore, since 1949, the Chinese government has used the hukou system to assign each citizen a household registration identity. Each citizen has a hukou that demonstrates his or her name, date of birth, citizen identity number and, most importantly, birthplace. This is a pass for everyone to access education, healthcare, housing and other social benefits locally.

In 1949, due to the lack of transportation and slow-development of the economy, most Chinese citizens tended to stay where they were born.

The hukou system had its first revision in 1958 that set a rural and urban divide. Specifically, children were required to stay at their hukou registration places to achieve an education. However, more migrant workers wanted their children to go to school in the city they worked. For example, although Ming Wang was born in Suzhou, he was still defined by the policy as a migrant child and should go back to his parents’ household registration place to achieve an education. In 2001, 20 percent of the youth population in China were migrant children.

Therefore, hukou policy had its second revision in 2014, which allows migrant children to go to school in cities. This is why Jianhong Fang and Zhou Wang couple immediately had their second child after the new hukou policy and the two-child policy was published.

The Chinese central government and the education department have designed to allow migrant children to receive education in cities. Based on the Chinese Ministry of Education policy, all migrant children are encouraged to complete nine-year compulsory education (six-year elementary school and three-year middle school) in the city that their parents work. According to China’s mandatory education policy, public school usually charge a small fee, which is about 700 CNY (100 USD) per semester.

Zhou Wang said they would keep their second son with them this time.

 

Where Can Migrant Worker’s Children Get Educated In The Cities Now?

 

Public School

Based on the education policy, the education cost of a public school should have no significant difference with a migrant school. Therefore, if given a fair chance, most migrant parents would choose a public school for their children due to the experienced teachers and good-quality equipment there.

However, discrimination among migrant students is still alive at most public schools in the cities, according to the new analysis in the Global Education Monitoring Report.

Reputable public schools in the cities have the right to fill up local students first and usually leave no space for migrant students. Even when some public schools open some seats, local governments and schools request burdensome paperwork to each migrant applicant. For example, in Suzhou, migrant parents need to present at least five supporting documents, which can be proof of residence, temporary resident permit, work permit, income report, place of origin certificate, etc. Human Rights Watch reported that over 90 percent of migrant families could not obtain these documents.

Although public schools are not allowed to charge extra fees to migrant students, some public schools may still request different kinds of renamed fees such as school selection fees, miscellaneous fees or out-of-district fees.

Additionally, transportation is another extra cost for migrant parents who live on the border of the urban and rural area. In Shanghai and Beijing, migrant workers need to reach certain social credits to purchase a car. However, even the point system application process is overwhelming for most migrant workers. Also, the Chinese government has imposed heavy taxes on automotive goods. Therefore, it usually costs a migrant student more than two hours to reach his or her school by public transportation.

These obstacles have forced migrant students to either choose migrant schools or return to their hukou registration places.

Migrant School

Migrant schools, which usually run privately, are a type of schools designed for migrant students who are not accepted by public schools.

For most migrant parents, migrant schools are always their second option. Unlike well-equipped public schools, migrant schools lack teachers, nutritious food supply, facilities and sometimes even licenses.

Some teachers in migrant schools are retired teachers or volunteers or young graduates. According to the 2013 China Labour Bulletin report, the turnover rate among migrant school teachers was about 51 percent in Beijing because most young teachers treated migrant school positions as their stepping stone to public schools.

The overcrowded public facilities and unqualified lunch is another serious issue. Because migrant parents often busier and pay no attention to children’s dinner food, the limited access to drinking water and poor nutrition food at school make children’s health problems worse.

More importantly, the old migrant education policy didn’t allow any private migrant schools; therefore, most current migrant schools are still illegal or have no teaching licenses. In 2011, the Beijing government closed more than 20 local migrant schools.

According to a recent NPR report, a Beijing migrant school’s volunteer said that her students and their parents feel like being kicked out by the city if the government closes their school.

Although the new migrant education policy was published in 2014, it hasn’t spurred some local governments to build more legal migrant schools. So, the plan has not reached out the majority of the migrant population.

 

What Has Caused Returned Students?

 

Migrant workers’ children have made up one of the third student population in China. The new hukou policy has planned to solve their education difficulties. Nine-year compulsory education is one of the most important strategies.

However, discrimination in migrant education cannot be eradicated overnight. ‘Returned children’ refer to the students who have to return to their province of origin after finishing the nine-year compulsory education in the cities.

Furthermore, they have to achieve higher education and take the college entrance examinations, also called gaokao, where their hukou is registered.

The gaokao policy is another invisible disadvantage coming from these children’s hukou. For students who have a hukou of big cities such as Shanghai and Beijing, their college entrance examination is usually designed relatively easy.

In China, most parents have a higher expectation on their children to go to an ideal college because they believe that gaokao is a fair game for every student. If a student wins this game, he or she may have a better chance to enter the middle class. However, the Chinese government still wants to control the population imbalance within a large country. When migrant students pass the scoreline of universities in big cities, they can temporarily hold a city hukou based on their school certificates. The local governments and universities have set score barriers preventing a large number of other provinces’ students from entering their ideal universities.

For example, in 2016, Tsinghua University and Peking University, the top 2 universities in China that located in Beijing, accepted 84 students out of every 10,000 Beijing students and less than three students out of every 10,000 students from other provinces.

Without achieving good-quality education, Ming Wang may never be able to compete with students who have a city hukou. When asked Jianhong Fang and Zhou Wang what kind of future they want for their second son, they said they don’t want Jin Wang to follow Ming Wang’s road.

 

Netflix: The Economic Impacts of the Growing Disruptor – Final Project

With 130 million subscribers, reaching an estimated 300 million people worldwide, Netflix has become an international phenomenon that has millions of people now binge-watching a variety of TV shows and movies. Netflix has completely disrupted and changed the distribution and content creating landscape in the entertainment industry. What started as a DVD rental delivery service has transformed into a streaming service spending over $11 billion a year on creating original, exclusive content. Netflix has effectively put Blockbuster out of business, is shrinking cable companies by the quarter and has studios scrambling to innovate to avoid being the company’s next casualty. The enormous effect the streaming giant has had on entertainment has led people in the industry to coin the term, “the Netflix effect.”

After Reed Hastings walked into a Blockbuster in 1997 and paid $40 in late fees after returning his VHS copy of Apollo 13, he came up with the idea of Netflix. Blockbuster operated 10,000 stores at its peak and had a market value of $5 billion in 2002 (Harvard Business Review). A company that once seemed unbeatable was being disrupted by a company that offered a more convenient business model and was significantly less expensive – especially without the dreaded late fees. At its beginnings, Netflix was a competitor of Blockbuster but not yet close to putting it out of business. Ironically, in the early 2000s, CEO Reed Hastings wanted Netflix to be bought by Blockbuster. When a deal wasn’t met, Netflix continued to grow on its own. Hastings clearly saw the opportunities the internet offered, and he invested in streaming. In 2007, Netflix launched its streaming service – they were no longer offering the same service as Blockbuster, they were offering more, and at a cheaper price. By 2010, Blockbuster filed bankruptcy and four years later all Blockbuster stores were closed.

Netflix has continued to expand its business, launching its first piece of original content in 2013 with House of Cards. At this point, their stock (NFLX) began to sky-rocket and their number of subscribers domestically and internationally were growing rapidly.

The vast amount of content Netflix was offering – from people’s favorite old TV shows to movie classics to fresh, original content – was extremely valuable to customers, at a still very low monthly fee. Studios and networks were benefiting off of Netflix as well; they were now able to sell Netflix TV shows and movies that had been collecting dust in their archives for years, and begin to make money off of that property again. It is cable companies who began to see “the Netflix effect” after the launch of original content in 2013, and have suffered tremendously ever since.

Netflix subscribers doubled from 2012 to 2017 while cable subscriptions were simultaneously declining quarter after quarter. In 2017, total Netflix subscribers surpassed total cable subscribers in the United States (Forbes).

More and more people started to see the value in cutting their expensive cable subscriptions for cheaper, commercial-free content. This had led cable providers, like Xfinity, to launch their own streaming services. But these have not been successful – live sports are the only thing keeping cable companies afloat at the moment.

As of December 2016, Netflix had a 75 percent market share in the streaming services market. YouTube was closest behind, at 53 percent, while Hulu, Amazon and HBOGo were all competing closely for market share (TechCrunch). While Netflix still maintains its dominance in the market, the landscape of competitors is about to drastically change, with traditional studios entering the market.

Netflix is now heavily spending on original content and this has studios, who were once working harmoniously with the company, trying to compete directly with them through launches of their own streaming services. Disney pulled all of their content off of Netflix earlier this year in preparation for the launch of their direct-to-consumer service, Disney+. Similarly, WarnerMedia has announced they are launching a streaming service, using their library of 7,000 films and 5,000 TV shows in order to attract customers.  Additionally, there have been massive moves towards consolidation in the industry – most recently with Disney purchasing 21st Century Fox, effectively eliminating an entire studio. Disney now has more content at their disposal, and one less competitor trying to edge out Netflix.

Netflix has been challenging the studio system for a few years now, forcing them to modify their traditional practices. They have lured some of the most coveted industry talent away from their long-time studio homes with enormous contracts. Ryan Murphy, creator of Glee and American Horror Story, signed a $300 million deal with Netflix, leaving 21st Century Fox. Creator of Grey’s Anatomy, Scandal and How to Get Away with Murder, Shonda Rhimes, left ABC (Walt Disney Co.) after over a decade for a $150 million deal. These deals have not only increased hostility between Netflix and studios, but they have changed the entire economic system of the industry. Producers used to own a piece of their shows outright, potentially earning hundreds of millions of dollars by selling the rights to reruns. Tom Werner, for instance, made enough money from The Cosby Show and Roseanne to buy a sports team. Friends creators and talent are still earning residuals every time an episode is aired on Nick At Night or TBS – or sold to Netflix. There’s no back end on Netflix. “You get more upfront with less risk, but potentially less upside in success,” explains Chris Silbermann, Rhimes’s agent at ICM Partners. Rhimes now is working on developing and producing several shows at once through Netflix, something she would not have been able to do at ABC.

In order for studios and networks to maintain their top talent, they must now offer extremely competitive contracts to their employees. Warner Bros. recently offered one of their star producers, Greg Berlanti, a contract worth $400 million to stay at Warner Bros. until 2024. Berlanti currently has fifteen shows on the air, the most of any TV producer in history. Warner Bros. cannot afford to lose him and his success, so they must pay the extremely high price that Netflix has set for them. Lionsgate and Disney have made similar deals with their top executives. Traditional studios are tired of Netflix, and they are beginning to fight back relentlessly. A talent agent at Creative Arts Agency, Joe Cohen, has noted how harsh of an environment this has become in the industry, “There is a lot of crazy stuff happening in the market today, and there is an aggressive dividing line between what is now considered old media companies and new media companies.” This is a line that old media companies are trying to blur as much as they can, and have put an enormous amount of their efforts and money into doing so.

All of these major changes in the entertainment industry prompted by Netflix’s disruption are so significant, and have gained so much media attention, because the industry has not shifted this much and this dramatically since 1948. Then, the supreme court hearing, United States v. Paramount, ended studios being able to own theaters and exclusively show their own movies at those theaters. The studio system completely collapsed and studios were forced to adjust. Now, the old media companies, which now encompass the studios, must adjust to the disruptions caused by Netflix and begin to innovate themselves. The result is an aggressive environment, with no signs of the growing disruptor slowing down. For reference, AT&T shares have sunk 15 percent in five years compared to a 480 percent rise for Netflix.  (The Hollywood Reporter)

With all of Netflix’s massive successes – unbelievable subscription numbers, huge international reach and 112 Emmy nominations in 2018 – it is easy to overlook their massive debt problem. They spent $11.7 billion on new content in the last year, but only brought in $14 billion in revenue. The reality is, Netflix is a barely profitable company that has approximately $10 billion in outstanding debt, with no signs of slowing down on their spending. Steven Birenberg, founder of Northlake Capital Management, notes, “Netflix seems to have proved that a model of all types of content, all genres for all people, can be successful — at least if success is measured by subscribers.”

With more players entering the direct-to-consumer market, many industry professionals are wondering how sustainable Netflix’s business model is. Many financial analysists already believe that Netflix stock is overvalued, but when their market share soon begins to be eaten into by streamers with a library of premium content, they will no longer have such a unique business. Big tech companies like Amazon and Apple, who have a lot of money to spend, are also working for their share of the pie in the streaming space. With the potential of Netflix being disrupted itself in future years, investors will likely take notice to the change in landscape and urge Netflix to cut back its spending in order to maintain long-term success. Already in the last six months, NFLX stock has declined dramatically – a perceived correction of an over-evaluation by analysts and investors.

Not only are all of these changes affecting companies internally, and within the Company Town of Los Angeles, but navigating this new landscape poses a potential challenge for consumers. It will be a battle among marketing and public relations professionals to communicate to them in the future. Will a single household be subscribing to Netflix, Hulu, HBOGo, a Disney service and a Warner Bros. service? Or will there be even more consolidation?

 

Sources:

https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/netflix-effect-can-rivals-compete-by-bulking-up-content-1162416

https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/features/welcome-hollywoods-new-age-anxiety-1127792

https://www.forbes.com/sites/ianmorris/2017/06/13/netflix-is-now-bigger-than-cable-tv/#217b95cf158b

https://hbr.org/2013/11/blockbuster-becomes-a-casualty-of-big-bang-disruption

https://www.latimes.com/business/hollywood/la-fi-ct-att-streaming-service-20181010-story.html

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-10-04/netflix-is-forcing-hollywood-into-a-talent-war

Netflix reaches 75% of US streaming service viewers, but YouTube is catching up

Why aspiring Chinese engineers wouldn’t go home

Sheila Li is a graduate student at the University of Southern California. After a year of job-hunting, she received an offer for a full-time job as a software engineer in Austin, Texas. The email came in at 1 p.m., but Li waited five hours– until the sun rose in Beijing– before she called her parents to announce the news. She knew they would be disappointed.

“My parents do not want me to work in the United Sates,” Li said, explaining that her parents hoped she would move to her hometown, Hangzhou, a rising tech hub that incubated both the multi-national e-commerce conglomerate Alibaba and the internet tech company NetEase.

It doesn’t help that Li, 21, like many of her generation, is an only child. Being a woman makes things even harder. “Parents never want girls to go far away,” she said, “but working as a coder in China is exhausting. Plus, I get higher salaries here.”

More than 350,000 Chinese students are currently enrolled at U.S. colleges and universities. A third of them are here to become engineers. A Chinese research firm reported this year that engineering grads received the highest-paying jobs in China, but many aspiring Chinese engineers who are studying abroad are nonetheless determined not to go back home.

Dr. Danny Friedmann is a law professor at Peking University. He explained that there is a gap between the economic growth and a dearth in skilled coders, thus Chinese tech workers receive lower payment than those in the U.S.

“The higher salaries and better working conditions for coders, the higher costs for the companies, which makes them less competitive in the short term,” he said.

A Choice of Lifestyle

Apart from the payment, the reasons may be linked to a relentless work culture. Chinese tech companies have reportedly been pushing their employees to work overtime, encouraging employees to compete to work the longest hours. The companies accommodate this approach with o do this, they offer late meals, night shuttles, and even bunk beds in the office.

Fuzhi Wang is a hardware engineer at Huawei, a Chinese telecommunication equipment company based in Shenzhen. He said that he and most of his colleagues work “9-9-6” — from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m., six days a week. “The company does not mandate long working hours,” he said. “But people simply won’t leave the office at 5 o’clock.”

In August, Huawei passed Apple to become the world’s second-largest maker of smartphones, Bloomberg reported. In 2017, the company invested approximately $13 million, which accounts for about 15 percent of its revenue, in research and product development. Forty-five percent of its workforce are involved in R&D.

This means Huawei’s demand for tech workers is enormous. “Huawei is catching up with the U.S companies, said Yiwei Song, who worked as recruiting coordinator for Huawei in 2017. “It prefers to recruit students that have studied abroad and expects them to bring back fresh ideas.” Students with overseas educations tend to benefit from high salaries and greater opportunities for advancement than those who graduated from domestic universities, she added.

Despite the preferential treatment they receive back home, new grads from China tend to choose Silicon Valley over Shenzhen.

Sheila Li believes there is a bigger backstory — China lacks proper intellectual property protection for tech companies.

“Once company A creates something, company B would steal the idea, which pushes company A to accelerate the process of innovation,” she said. “There are distorted competitions in the market. As a result, engineers have to work day and night to catch up with that speed.”

Dr. Friedmann said China does have a proper intellectual property law system in place in the books, but on the ground, this is not always manifested, for example, because of local protectionism.

“Intellectual property in general is sometimes ill-equipped to protect these fastly developing innovations,” he said, “and in the case of software the copyright protection, it seems too long as well.”

After receiving his master’s degree from the New York University, Zhi Cao went back to Wuhan, the capital city of his home province, to work for a tech start-up.

“I am considering applying for another master’s program in the U.S.,” he said. “Life here (in China) is too intense and I don’t think I could adapt to it.”

Cao had been in the U.S. for six years before he went back to China, since he went to undergrad in New York as well. “I really regret that I didn’t stay in the States,” he said.

Yi Leng just received his master’s degree in engineering from the United States and landed a job at Amazon. “Here everything is based solely on merits,” he said, adding that interpersonal relationships between colleagues were “simpler” in the U.S, while the “guanxi” culture in China, where everything is based on networking, added complexity to the working environment.

Leng has a green card, but he is not obsessed with the idea of living in the U.S. “If I get to play my role and contribute to my own country with what I’ve learned here, I will go back,” he said.

The Challenges to Stay

Unlike Leng, most of international students who intend to work in the U.S. here need an H1B visa. It is a type of non-immigrant visa for international students to work in the United States.

According to MyVisaJob, Facebook, LinkedIn, Amazon, Apple and Google filed 13,875 Labor Condition Applications (LCA) for H1B Visa in fiscal year 2017. A year before that, the number was 11,047.  The trend resulted from STEM-favored policies under the Obama administration as well as rapid expansions of tech giants in the United States. For years, Silicon Valley has been demanding skilled foreign workers, especially in the tech niche.

“I can imagine the day when a large portion of tech workers will be coming from Ohio and Michigan,” said Professor Dowell Myers, Director of the Population Dynamics Research Group at the University of Southern California. “I can imagine that day, but it’s impossible.”

Myers said the United States has a shortage of workers, shortage of all levels — blue collar, white collar and scientists’ levels. As a result, Chinese and Indian engineers become “important shares of the technology workers”, he said, and added that they can be influenced by the recent immigration policy.

President Trump’s Buy American and Hire American Executive order gives creates more barriers for H1B petitions to be approved. This disincentivizes companies to sponsor new grads. The number of petitions the immigration department received in 2018 has drastically decreased from 236,000 in 2016 to 190,098, according to its website. That means employers have shrunk their quotas for international employees.

Notably, Amazon this year earlier began a round of corporate layoffs. Back in 2016, the company sent out a huge amount of job offers. At that time, applicants were only required to complete two online assessments before they got recruited. Now, it takes multiple rounds of interviews for an applicant to proceed into the final phase of recruiting.

Amazon is also locating its second headquarters in East Coast. Myers suggested such locations, as opposed to the West Coast, is centered in an area with a higher percentage of this was to give more jobs to native-born Americans than immigrants in the job pool.

Source: Institute of International Education (Created with Infogram)

Despite the shift in political climate, the number of Chinese students coming to the United States for higher education is increasing. Engineering remains the most popular major for them. The field of math & computer science witnessed a drastic increase of 18 percent in its student population of all origins from 2016 to 2017, according to the Institute of International Education.

“Even if tech companies do not reduce the number of positions for foreigners,” Li said, “more and more international students are flowing into this industry with a hope to secure a job here, the competition of job-hunting in the States would only be fiercer year after year.”

Wildfires Are Lighting Insurance Companies into Flames – Final Project

Widespread fires burn through thousands of California homes year over year. This doesn’t only affect the homeowners and their families but also lays immense pressure on firefighters in these dry areas in addition to the struggles of insurance companies that insure these households and properties that are prone to blow up in flames.

The aftermath of recent Northern California wildfire. Source: NBC News

Considering the recent fires burning through Northern and Southern California, I am discussing the economic impact that this disaster-prone state has on insurance companies. As one of the driest states in the United States of America, it seems like insurance companies struggle as California officials don’t do much to mitigate these risks. There is not much of a boundary for homeowners to build on land that is so dry that the probability of a wildfire is high. It feels like these fires that happen on a yearly basis are not enough for someone to take a step in the direction for safer housing, which would result in insurance companies saving money, as well. While public resources are spent defending or salvaging what is left of those homes which shouldn’t have been built in the first place, insurance companies must defend themselves or they are at risk for driving themselves out of business.

As California residents sift through the ash and hope to rebuild, funds may be insufficient, as insurance companies don’t need to cover one homeowner’s lost property, but the entire community (if not more). According to a Forbes article discussing insurance and loss of use for the recent victims of the Woolsey and Camp Fire in Los Angeles and Ventura County, “What is often overlooked is loss of use coverage. How long will it take to repair or rebuild?” (Gorman). Loss of use, or living expenses during the duration of the recovery process, usually covers living expenses and rental value. Although, not all insurance plans have this, and when a fire causes destruction, Californians may be surprised when their insurance companies don’t fully cover these temporary living costs. Homeowners in these high-risk areas must understand that in cases of natural disasters, they may be left with a much lighter wallet than expected.

According to a Los Angeles Times article discussing fleeing insurers, insurance companies in high-risk areas for natural disasters are no longer agreeing to insure homes. For example, a couple living in Lake County in Northern California is denied insurance. In the area which the couple resides, “50% of the land has been burned by fires in the past several years” (Newberry). With an already expensive premium of $2,100, their rate had skyrocketed to $5,800 in only two years (Newberry). The increase in California wildfires leads to more fleeing insurers. What insurers have continued to do in California is to inflate the price of insurance in high-risk areas to veer builders away from this land, and make home buyers think twice before buying a property with a likelihood to catch fire.

The Los Angeles Times article also provides statistics on the California Department of Insurance: This department acknowledges that the trend of inflating insurance prices is a rational and fair response on the part of the insurance companies. In 2017 alone, they “received nearly $12 billion in claims from wildfires that destroyed more than 32,000 homes. It makes sense that companies will write fewer – if any – policies in areas where they predict losses will outweigh what they can recoup through premiums.

What’s next? Legislators must act to protect home buyers and homeowners who have made efforts to reduce wildfire risk.

The Nature of Wildfires

The risks of more intense wildfires ahead increase due to climate change and the expansion of urban living near forest areas. The geography in California, especially near the coast which is a popular place to live is mountainous and dry. There are dense populations living in California locations which have a high risk of wildfire around them. According to Lloyd’s report, Wildfire: A Burning Issue for Insurers, global warming “is expected to increase average global temperatures and, in some regions, drought frequency and severity will increase” (Doerr). This could lead to a longer season of more frequent fires.

The Lloyd’s report, Wildfire: A Burning Issue for Insurers, also discusses the socio-economic and land use changes in society: “Population growth at the fringe of urban and wildland areas in North America has raised the likelihood of wildfire ignitions, whereas rural depopulation and abandonment of traditional agriculture has led to vegetation build-up, increasing the risk of severe fires” (Doerr).

Not only is it important to understand the weather and living trends of people to analyze potential risk of fires, but sometimes fires start from actions out of our control. Maybe lightning strikes a tree in the middle of a desert, or someone forgot to stop their cigarette from burning. In densely populated areas, accidental human ignitions are a common cause to wildfires. These wildfires pose a threat to lives and infrastructure; massive losses can occur, which will affect insurance companies.

Wildfire Risk

Recently, the insurance industry has taken hit after hit with regards to covering damage due to California wildfires. The threat of wildfires extends beyond the months of summer, but even when the Santa Ana winds blow in the fall.

According to Risk and Insurance’s article about living with wildfire risk, “The evolution of wildfire risks creates challenges for the insurance industry, especially as events occur more often in areas with significant insurance penetration” (Amaral). Therefore, the expected increase in wildfires in urban areas will have some implications for the insurance industry.

Risk and Insurance further discusses the risk management which insurance companies undergo to protect their companies. According to Kevin Van Leer, product manager at RMS (Risk Management Solutions), “‘From a (risk) modeling point of view, probabilistic methods can enable insurers and reinsurers to better manage their accumulations of exposure, particularly in the wildland-urban interface.’ But several challenges remain on proper aggregation of exposures” (Amaral). Factors like the amount of rainfall in the summer and snow in the winter must be considered to understand and mitigate risk. The unpredictability of weather trends leaves insurance companies walking on eggshells deciding which areas to choose are the most prone to yet another fire.

Mitigating Risk

For less houses to be burned down and more healthy and happy humans to live in society, a joint effort between public agencies and private owners is necessary. According to Lloyd’s Wildfire: A Burning Issue for Insurers, “Different public policies can increase the commitment of private landowners, such as subsidizing private spending on fuel treatments, enacting legislation that marries insurance availability and premiums to risk mitigation behavior and providing education about wildfire risk and mitigation. For instance, laws exist in some US states that require fuel treatments on private land” (Doerr). But, why don’t laws exist in all US states, especially the states more prone to fires? Although the government and insurance agencies have taken steps to fix the problem, there is still a long way to go.

Inflated premiums could prove effective, as it would drive away the lower income homeowners that are unlikely to pay a high insurance premium each month. Although, the wildfire risk affecting more valuable homes still poses an issue for insurance companies even if the homeowners can afford it. In a case when the home burns down, the insurance companies are still accountable for paying the losses. Rather than raising premiums in high-risk areas, insurance companies should minimize areas available for homebuilding.

Introducing zoning regulations prohibiting or limiting building in high wildfire risk areas would be a significant advancement in wildfire mitigation.

Often, homeowner’s and insurance agencies’ preferences differ. Neighborhoods form as many homeowners adore the natural aesthetic living in wildfire-prone areas; therefore, effective mitigation should be enforced on a neighborhood level. Insurance companies must zone these high-risk areas by either restricting all homeowners to build property. The other option is restricting none, but inflating the insurance premiums higher than their 3 story roofs. Insurance companies will need to offer similar mitigation efforts for adjacent properties to maintain homeowner trust and commitment.

The “new normal” which insurance companies face is almost double the costs of damages from the previous year. Based on Insurance Journal, an analysis from Moody’s breaks down the losses of the recent fires in Northern and Southern California. The losses in California generated last year were around $12.5 billion, while these recent fires in the past few weeks alone have predicted losses of $6.8 billion— and fire season is not finished just yet (Jergler). With years of wildfire history showing fires worsen year over year, it is shocking to see neither insurance companies or government agencies taking more action to minimize the risk.

What the Future Holds

Milliman, a management consulting published an article written by consulting actuaries David Chernick and Paul Anderson, about how insurance companies react to California wildfires. While California real estate continues to rise, “the amount of coverage selected by policyholders had not kept pace with the increase in home values, especially on policies that were 10 or more years old” (Anderson).

Paul Anderson is asked how wildfires will affect insurers’ future decisions on where to write policies. After a major wildfire, insurance companies will “look to re-underwrite their books to ensure that their exposure and their risk are appropriately spread out in these wildfire-prone areas” (Anderson). Chernick adds that companies should not write insurance policies for an entire area, as a natural disaster can spike the losses if insurance companies write policies for all houses in a concentrated area (Chernick).

Getting insurance is becoming harder as companies reject to insure houses just close enough to the woodlands that a spark of fire could burn up an entire city. There are many of those houses still standing in California. In an article explaining the effect of wildfires on Insurance companies in California published by the Insurance Journal, author Sarah Skidmore Sell discusses that it is harder for in-state residents to find and hold on to insurance (Sell).

“We are not at a crisis point yet, but you can see where the trends are going,” Insurance Commissioner of California, David Jones, stated in an interview (Sell). Jones’ expectations for the future of insurance companies is to “opt not to renew policies or to simply stop writing homeowners policies in areas with the highest fire risk” (Sell). Rate increases and reclassifications of fire-prone areas are also expected.

As claims continue to settle and policyholders and insurance companies undergo huge losses during times of natural disaster, it is shocking that we haven’t seen any necessary corrections in the insurance industry.

Rather than targeting the main issue that has led to the most disastrous fires of all time—climate change—insurance companies are canceling policies, boosting their prices and crossing their fingers that they get lucky enough to insure houses that don’t burn down.

How Insurance Companies Should Protect Themselves

According to the Union of Concerned Scientists, “the effects of global warming on temperature, precipitation levels, and soil moisture are turning many of our forests into kindling during wildfire season” (Is Global Warming Fueling..). The dry and hot areas in California are getting drier and hotter. This article on global warming impacts proves that global warming is a pressing issue that insurers must face: In the western United States, wildfires have been “increasing in frequency and duration since the mid-1980s. Between 1986 and 2003, wildfires occurred nearly four times as often, burned more than six times the land area, and lasted almost five times as long when compared to the period between 1970 and 1986” (Is Global Warming Fueling..).

Mike Scott, a contributor to Forbes who writes about the intersection of the environment and business, questions why insurance companies are not investing in a low-carbon economy. “The impacts of climate-related risks are a growing reality for the insurance sector. This reality has key implications for that sector’s valuation,” the report adds. “Weather-related financial losses, regulatory and technological changes, liability risks, and health impacts related to climate change have implications for the business operations, underwriting, and financial reserving of insurance companies.”Yet, the insurance industry is not aligning itself with initiatives to improve the issues that are causing the insurance companies to bury themselves in their own grave.

 

Works Cited:

Amaral, Rodrigo. “Living With Wildfire Risk.” Risk & Insurance, 12 Sept. 2017, riskandinsurance.com/living-wildfire-risk/.

Anderson, Paul, and David Chernick. “California Wildfires: Implications for Insurers and Policyholders.” Milliman, 2 Nov. 2007, www.healthcarefinancenews.com/news/transitional-policies-risk-corridor-tweaks-bring-new-market-implications.

Gorman, Megan. “What California Wildfire Victims Should Know About Insurance And Loss Of Use.” Forbes, Forbes Magazine, 18 Nov. 2018, www.forbes.com/sites/megangorman/2018/11/13/what-california-wildfire-victims-should-know-about-insurance-and-loss-of-use/#19d68f4e5423.

“Is Global Warming Fueling Increased Wildfire Risks?” Union of Concerned Scientists, 24 July 2018, www.ucsusa.org/global-warming/science-and-impacts/impacts/global-warming-and-wildfire.html#.XAdAky2ZOu4.

Jergler, Don. “How Insurance Industry Might React to ‘New Normal’ of California’s Historic Wildfires.” Insurance Journal, 14 Nov. 2018, www.insurancejournal.com/news/west/2018/11/13/507414.htm.

Johnson, Alex, et al. “ Northern California Wildfires Claim at Least 15 Lives as More Than 100K Acres Burn.” NBCNews.com, NBCUniversal News Group, 10 Oct. 2017, www.nbcnews.com/storyline/western-wildfires/one-killed-major-wildfires-ignite-overnight-across-northern-california-n809206.

Newberry, Laura. “As California Fire Disasters Worsen, Insurers Are Pulling out and Stranding Homeowners.” Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times, 31 Aug. 2018, www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-wildfire-homeowners-insurance-20180830-story.html.

Sell, Sarah Skidmore. “Fires May Make It Harder for Homeowners to Get Insurance in California.” Insurance Journal, 14 Aug. 2018, www.insurancejournal.com/news/west/2018/08/14/497977.htm.