Sports media rights battle, streaming may end reign of the broadcasters

As with essentially every industry, the ways in which we consume sports are consistently refined by technological innovation. Radio, as well as broadcast, satellite and high-definition TV have raised the profiles of baseball, football (both kinds) and basketball. The Internet, too, modified the ways we watch sports, with the ability to analyze information no longer through merely a television screen or that morning’s newspaper. With the web fully entrenched in basic society, new streaming services offer consumers real-time information essentially whenever and wherever they want it, decreasing the need to be in front of the television for a particular program — except for sports, live content’s last bastion. These changing dynamics in streaming, doubtlessly, will further upend the model of sports consumption and threaten the viability of broadcast networks in favor of newer technology companies.  

The standard over the past few decades has been for sports leagues to sign “media rights deals” with content providers, who pay to broadcast their games and content throughout the nation and the world, primarily on television [source]. Technological advancements and the practice of economic globalization have enlarged the population of sports consumers; the “rapid rise in sports costs is consistent with supply/demand theory,” creating a “constant imbalance in favor of the … nearly permanent supply shortage of top talent [while] … there are more potential bidders for their services” and content featuring the minuscule number of superstars [source]. So, the value of the sports leagues’ content has leapt and will continue to leap, because the “number of competitors is relatively large … generating continuous high demand” [source]. To date, the majority of these sports media rights deals have been with television companies, which broadcast the sporting events and highlights into homes. As Mark Leibovich, author of the book “Big Game: The NFL in Dangerous Times,” notes: “60 percent of [NFL] revenues [come] from TV over most of their history, and the ratings are going down” [source]. The leagues are paid handsomely for their content, now at the level of billions of dollars per year. To illustrate, the NBA signed its most recent national TV deal in 2014, a $24 billion, nine-year contract with Disney (through its media networks ESPN/ABC) and Turner Sports, which took effect in 2016 at a rate of $2.667 billion per year [source]. To make revenues and account for the rising costs of producing live events such as sporting events, the operators charge a fee to consumers for the channels that show it.

The research firm SNL Kagan has estimated that in 2017, “$18.37 out of the typical cable subscribers’ [$103] monthly bill was allocated just to sports networks like ESPN and Fox Sports” [source]. Sports – live content – is king. Where pay-TV providers charge more for regional sports networks, it is even higher, as much as “$20 to $25” per month. This is a raise of over five hundred percent since the start of the millenium [source].

However, simultaneous with rising fees over that time period to help pay for the increasing sports rights came the new streaming services and technological advancements that have allowed people to access content, such as movies on Netflix or sports, in a mobile manner. Young people especially are not watching cable anymore; according to Pew, 61% of adults ages 18-29 use streaming services as their primary way to watch content traditionally only available on a television [source]. Choice is king for the people who are going to be consuming content for the next generation. These “a la carte” services, claims NBA Commissioner Adam Silver, are the future of how the majority of people will watch sports [source]. This season the league has started selling not just slices of the 82-game season on a game-by-game basis but also parts of games as well, in order to provide more “customized experiences to meet the needs of NBA fans” [source]. A la carte offerings are perfectly suited for the mobile-first methods of the digital natives, who will come to dominate the consumer base of the media industry.

As a result, they are the main “target in the push to increase TV-anywhere options. Unlike older viewers, they were brought up in the internet age. For them, spending a significant monthly fee on cable TV isn’t a necessity,” especially when they are paying for dozens of channels they never watch [source]. Paying as much as $25 monthly just for sports deters many from shelling out their hard-earned money, because they could pay that much to watch just the shows they want [source]. Why pay $100 for a buffet if out of three dozen items, you are only going to eat two, which cost a fraction of the buffet?  

As an executive at a top streaming service company said, the industry is changing rapidly [personal conversation]. Streaming and a la carte choice options are revolutionizing how we watch content and as a result the traditional cable and network companies need to adapt.

Because the “typical cable TV regional sports network (RSN) recoups less than 30% of its total revenue from advertising” they are desperate to retain as many subscribers as possible, who account for “the vast majority of revenue” [source]. National TV providers take in a similar level of revenue from subscriber fees, according to the FCC as well as an ESPN executive [personal conversation].

As sports rights rise, the companies charge more in fees to help break even; at $7.21 per subscriber, ESPN is now the most expensive single cable network available in one’s cable/satellite bill [source]. While the total subscribers is indeed falling, demand is not: because it is the one place live content still rules, where advertisers can be sure that people will tune in during the event, ESPN can afford to charge that much (to people who want to pay for it). For the people who want to buy the cable buffet because that is the only way they can watch their local teams or get blacked out, it is presently worth it [source]. As Rich Greenfield of BTIG wrote, “Sports is … the only content that is holding its audience viewership-wise and in turn supporting the $70 billion TV ad industry” [source]. However, the number of homes paying for ESPN declined over ten percent in the last five years, from 100 million in 2012 to just 87 million last year.

As 23 percent of U.S. households have either cancelled cable or never signed up in the first place, according to a 2016 PwC survey, the trend ESPN is facing should only continue [source]. Now more than ever, cable networks must extend or renew their TV rights to attractive sports programming. As PwC’s sports industry outlook notes, sports are essentially “the only thing keeping the lights on at the networks” [source], especially at ESPN, whose business model is solely based on 24-hours-per-day sports content. They literally cannot function without the content that has made them a behemoth in the industry.  

So, cable networks are jumping headfirst into the over-the-top and streaming game, threatened by new media’s rise and the decline of their own subscriber base. To survive and continue to have success in this changing media landscape, they cannot be satisfied with their current subscribers. Like Ariel in The Little Mermaid, the networks need to be “part of that world … where the people are” [source] — which in this case is streaming and “pay-anywhere TV.” Disney is spending millions of dollars on “ESPN+”, CBS on “CBS All-Access”, Turner on “B/R Live” – their attempts at creating streaming services. It remains to be seen whether the promulgation of streaming services (along with another Disney service to be launched next year, HBO, Amazon, Hulu, Netflix…) will cause a glut of menu items for consumers, which may be where we are heading in the near future as companies look to hoard their own intellectual property and control sports rights [source]. However, in sports, the possibility of a large media or technology conglomerate claiming access to a near-entirety of a league’s offerings could lower consumer angst. NBA Commissioner Emeritus David Stern wonders about the “unique possibility to have one buyer on a global basis. It could be Apple, Amazon, Hulu, Facebook, Google, AT&T—could be almost anything” [source]. The current battle over regional sports networks will perhaps be a test case.

In 2002, the New York Yankees developed the Yankee Entertainment and Sports (YES) regional sports network to strengthen the value of its content for local consumers and develop new revenue streams. Major networks such as ABC or FOX had only broadcast select numbers of games per season to people around the country; regional networks proffered the opportunity for viewers to watch nearly all their home team’s games. The Bronx Bombers’ enterprise introduced the RSN epoch: many teams in MLB and the NBA now have launched their own networks to take advantage of local revenues; in the MLB, these contracts are worth anywhere from $1.5 billion (Arizona Diamondbacks) to $3 billion (Los Angeles Angels) over twenty years [source]. Markets like Los Angeles or New York have greater demand and numbers of viewers for the same content as Arizona, therefore those media rights deals rake in as much as double the revenues (and is a key reason why the Angels changed their city name from “Anaheim” to “Los Angeles”) [source]. These dramatically different local media rights deals also affect competitive balance and league health: The Los Angeles Lakers’ local media deal dwarfs any other NBA franchise’s by about $25 million; they were the most profitable team in the league despite missing the playoffs for five consecutive years [source]. Moreover, in MLB, owning significant portions of these extra revenue streams has helped teams like the Red Sox and Yankees dominate free agency and acquire the “star talent”, like Alex Rodriguez, who drive content values high [source].

Over the last two decades, Fox acquired in exchange for a “yearly licensing check” majority stakes in 22 RSNs, the value of which has now ballooned to $44 billion due to all the exclusive premium sports content, according to Guggenheim Securities [source] [source]. And so it goes that Disney’s recent acquisition of 21st Century Fox will reshape not just the movie industry (decreasing the number of major studios from six to five) but also sports content [source]. Fox’s regional channels serve around 61 million subscribers around the country, a godsend to cable operators and a would-be boon to technology companies looking to seize market share and eyeballs from one another. The 22 RSNs that Fox owned will have to be divested as a result of the deal, to prevent “cable television subscription prices from rising even higher … and ensure that sports programming competition is preserved in the local markets,” according to Makan Delrahim, assistant attorney general and head of the Justice Department’s Antitrust Division. “American consumers have benefitted from head-to-head competition between Disney and Fox’s cable sports programming” [source].

The competition will only get fiercer, as more players enter to gain direct consumer attention, arguably the most valuable market good there is. The forthcoming battle for sports media rights will truly be the “ultimate test of the supply/demand equation, an underlying principle of the free enterprise system and free market economy” [source]. Fox’s 22 MLB regional sports networks is now up for grabs, and who is bidding for them will be a harbinger of the coming battle for sports content come the next decade once deals expire for the major leagues — and for viewers in the future of the 21st century. Consistent with supply and demand economics, the values of sports rights will rise, with the same amount of content, the escalating emphasis of live programming for advertisements, and more possible buyers. This could drive vicissitudes of fortune for traditional broadcasters. A Defcon 1 scenario would be if a traditional broadcaster loses out entirely on a sports rights deal. Amazon, Twitter, Alphabet’s YouTube, and Facebook have each already made forays into paying for live sports, streaming NFL Thursday Night Football, NBA games, and MLB games, respectively, via their over-the-top services. The Financial Times notes that these moves are “part of a wider shift toward so-called “skinny bundles”, whereby consumers are offered a smaller range of channels for a fraction of the price of a full cable package” [source]. Amazon has already put in a bid for the RSNs, if not merely to drive up the cost for another winner, then to implement them into Amazon Prime services similar to their actions with Thursday Night Football on the chance they end up claiming the networks. “It [would increase] digital advertising opportunities for Amazon, which is growing its market share against Facebook and Google. Perhaps most importantly, it brings even more people into the Amazon tent, exposing them to all of the products and services Amazon offers,” according to CNBC [source]. On another front, no less than Fox chief Rupert Murdoch has said that “Facebook is coming for sports;” Dan Reed, a Facebook executive, says that “sports is a natural fit” [source]. Having dipped toes into the water, the large technology companies are going to dive wholeheartedly into the sports media business in the near future. Even if tech companies do not win this RSN test run, they will no doubt be major players in the bidding for the future sports rights, 16 major auctions of which are coming worldwide over the next half-decade, according to GroupM [source]. Claiming some if not all of those rights and shoring up their relatively nascent streaming services will reshape media offerings.

The tech giants’ enormous capital reserves [source] that could drive up the bidding to an exorbitant level ($4 billion for the NFL? $2 billion per NBA season?) probably won’t destroy the financials of some traditional broadcasters by the early 2020s, but that combined with growing rate of subscriber drop-off (could only 50 million homes be cable subscribers in five years?) will hamper networks’ abilities to spend as much on rights the next time around. It is quite a possibility that there could be an internecine battle between broadcasters, resulting in a pyrrhic victory for the winner. Already, rights have gotten so expensive that ESPN could not win the bidding for the Champions League and accentuate its investment in MLB rights [source]. Come the second wave of these types of deals in the late 2020s, the costs could deter some broadcasters from seriously bidding for them. Perversely, over the long term, rights deal valuations may fall as broadcasters drop out, although other technology companies could enter the fray and stabilize or even drive up pricing. As David Stern literally said today, “you have to look to the future or you die” [source]. Because broadcasters are slowly coming around to reality out of dire necessity, they may survive in the short term. In another decade, in 2030, though, we may all be watching sports through the services of our Amazon or Alphabet overlords, ironically with more customizable options.

 

Sources:

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Personal interview/lecture, ESPN executive, Spring 2017

Personal interview/lecture, Professor Jeff Fellenzer, USC, February 2017

Personal interview, Professor Jeff Fellenzer, USC, November 2018

Personal interview/conversation, Perform Group executive, summer 2018  

 

Schools and the poor are the real losers of the lottery

By Roy Pankey

 

I don’t like to throw away my money. But in late October of this year, after the California Mega Millions jackpot topped $1 billion, I bought a handful of lottery tickets. I even waited in line with dozens of other hopefuls for half an hour at Bluebird Liquor in Hawthorn, where the lottery tickets are rumored to be extra lucky. Needless to say, I didn’t win.

Neither did California schools.

The state lottery is practically printing its own money. Though California Lottery hasn’t made public its total revenue for the 2017-18 fiscal year, the California Department of Education (CDE) projected total sales of $6.75 billion for this period, an historic high. That’s more than total revenue of Fortune 500 companies like Ralph Lauren, Ulta Beauty, Harley-Davidson, and Hasbro.

This sum comes after several years of increasing sales for the California Lottery, which sounds like a win for the state’s schools. Yet even as the lottery is selling more tickets than ever before, California schools aren’t receiving any additional funding. In fact, lottery payouts to education are essentially the same from a decade ago.

How can this be? Eight years ago, state legislators changed the requirements of the lottery system.

When 57.9% of voters passed the California State Lottery Act in 1984, they mandated that 34 percent of total lottery revenue be paid to public education. This law withheld until lawmakers abolished that requirement in 2010. The new law requires that the lottery “maximize revenues for public education by operating as efficiently as possible.”

Ticket sales dragged during the Great Recession, and legislators loosened reigns on the lottery to increase jackpots and sales overall. They knew the percentage of each dollar paid to education would fall but hoped the increase in revenue would lead to an increase in total payout to schools.

It’s not happening.

In its public education contribution report for the 2017-18 fiscal year, the California State Lottery indicated that it raised just under $1.7 billion for schools.

At first glance, that sounds like a huge, great number. (First graders shall never want for colored pencils again!) However, education payout represents just 25 percent of the $6.75 billion in projected sales for the year. In past years, the payout percentages were much higher. The lottery is making more money than ever, but schools aren’t seeing any of it.

Lottery revenue dramatically increased after 2010, but payout to schools did not. (Source: LAist)

Zahava Stadler of EdBuild, a non-profit that closely studies education funding, told The Press Democrat, “The fact that education dollars have remained pretty flat tells you that more and more what the state is doing here is running a casino, rather than funding public schools.”

Funds raised by lottery ticket sales account for less than 1.5 percent of all education funding in California. Money is distributed among K-12 schools, California State University, University of California, community colleges, and various other educational institutions. About 80 percent of payouts go to K-12 education.

In a statement on its website, the CDE says the money it receives from state lottery ticket sales “represents only a small part of the overall budget of California’s K-12 public education that alone cannot provide for major improvements in K-12 education.”

Since its inception in 1985, the California State Lottery has contributed more than $32.5 billion to education. Its all-time biggest expense—a whopping $53.8 billion—has been awarded to lucky prize winners.

Distribution of Revenues (in billions) October 3, 1985 – June 30, 2017 (Source: California State Lottery)

Distribution of Revenues (in billions) October 3, 1985 – June 30, 2017 (Source: California State Lottery)

In October 2017, officials who run the Mega Millions game were concerned that frequent, smaller jackpots—say, $100 million or less—would result in fewer ticket sales. They thought people would become too familiar with prizes like these and would be discouraged from buying any tickets at all. Gordon Medenica, head director of the Mega Millions Group referred to this phenomenon as “jackpot fatigue” in an interview with The Washington Post.

Now, the Mega Millions pools are paid out much more infrequently, allowing them to swell and swell to unprecedented amounts. Adding to the paucity of payouts was an increase of numbers to choose from on each ticket, as more numbers decreases a player’s odds. Another change that powered tickets sales was the increase in the price of the tickets themselves. They now cost $2, double the prior price.

The California Lottery estimates that more than 19 million people played last year. That’s more than half the state’s population old enough to gamble. In California—like in most states with a lottery system—vendors sell a majority of tickets to low-income individuals.

An analysis by LAist of two years of lottery ticket sales in California found that:

  • Most tickets are purchased by the poorest fourth of census tracts in virtually every county.
  • Most tickets are purchased in Southern California census tracts with high Latino and Asian-American populations.
  • Most tickets are purchased in Southern California’s Los Angeles, Riverside, San Bernardino, Orange, and Ventura Counties.

Dr. Timothy Fong, director of the gambling studies program at UCLA, told the publication, “The lottery does seem to be more harmful for, as you can imagine, lower economic communities, ethnic minorities.” Communities spending the most on lottery tickets are the same communities who are in most need of the system’s education funding.

That disparity hasn’t happened by chance. With the help of high-powered advertising agencies, the lottery markets to California’s diverse populations.

2018 Lunar New Year scratcher advertisement in Chinese.

To reach Asian-Americans, the lottery has developed products like its Lunar New Year ticket, whose jackpot is $888. The number eight is associated with wealth in Chinese culture.

In October, marketing agency David&Goliath placed the winning bid for California Lottery’s $295 million account as part of a five-year contract. Together, the two will continue marketing to California’s diverse communities and working toward the Lottery’s goal of becoming “the largest lottery in the U.S.” (It trails only New York.)

Of all California cities with populations over 50,000, Westminster, located in northern Orange County, sells the most lottery tickets per capita. The city sold $668 worth of tickets to each resident in 2016 and 2017. The median household income in Westminster is $55,287, while the median household income for the state is considerably higher at $67,739.

Some other California cities selling the most lottery tickets include Huntington Park, Inglewood, Hawthorne, and Compton at $392, $359, $330, and $323 per capita, respectively. All of the median household incomes in these cities are even lower than that of Westminster.

The Mega Millions used to work like this: Players chose five numbers from 1 to 75 and a Mega number from 1 to 15. Odds of winning the jackpot were 1 in 258,890,850.

Since officials altered the Mega Millions tickets, players now choose five numbers from 1 to 70. They still choose a Mega number, but the range increased to 1 to 25. Now, odds of winning the grand prize are 1 in 302,575,350, meaning my chances of getting rich decreased by more than 16 percent.

Odds that schools will win big? Still unclear.

A Tale of Two Malls: the economics of an ailing American icon

Westside Pavillion, 2008., Los Angeles, California.

If you want to find an example of the current state of American shopping mall, you may want to take a visit to Westside Pavillion in Los Angeles. Like so many dying malls across the US, Westside Pavillion is an eerie, empty site during operating hours. In better days, the mall was the site for movie shoots and music videos. Now, anchor stores like Nordstrom and Macy’s have left the mall, leaving only the Landmark Theatre, Urban Home, and Macy’s Furniture Gallery behind. The mall is set to close in 2021, and will be remodeled for office space for media and tech companies. Westside Pavillion’s story isn’t unique. For instance,  a quarter of American malls are in danger of closing.

However, some other shopping malls tell a different story. If you take the twenty minute drive to The Grove, you’ll find a different sort of retail story. Customers flock towards it’s luxury department stores and stroll through a nostalgic boulevard with a matching emerald green trolly. Built in 2001, as a “Main Street for a city that does not have one” some may see the Grove as a shining example of the new american mall. You can find the same  open air, luxury stores, and experiential designs in other popular, revamped malls like Westfield Century City and Santa Monica Place.

The Grove, Los Angeles, California Source: Wikimedia Commons

So why are some malls doing better than others? While many American malls are closing, the survivors are adapting in order to accommodate the new offline retail experience: luxury goods and attractions.  As online retail continues to grow, dying malls and retail also affect labor demands and deplete a form of revenue for some vulnerable counties.

Symptoms

How does a mall begin to die? Data shows that one symptom was the Great Recession. plowing While the recession helped put brick-and-mortars like Toys ‘R’ Us, Sports Authority, and Circuit City out of business, it had a lasting effect on malls as well. General Growth Properties, which owned almost 18 percent of American malls during the recession, filed for bankruptcy in 2009. A lack of customer traffic drove profits down. It was difficult to turn dying malls into repurposed spaces due to declining property values and the subsequent end of the building boom. Online retail also aided in the decline of American malls following the Recession.  While internet retailers represent just about 10 percent of retail sales, mall stores like Claire’s, Radioshack, and Pacsun struggled to compete with online demands.

As both department stores and small tenants began to close, vacancy rates began to rise. In 2008, the total vacancy rate for US shopping malls was 7.1 percent, compared with 5.8 percent in 2007. However, there is some evidence that the mall development explosion in the 80s and 90s just created too many stores to survive through economic recession. For example, almost 60 percent of Macy’s closing stores today are within 10 miles of another Macy’s location.  

In contrast, Nordstrom, a department store with higher price-points, has adapting changes in online retail. In addition to opening more locations, Nordstrom generates almost a quarter of its sales online, that rate is higher than its competitors in Macy’s, Kohls, and Jacey Penney who hover around 15 percent. Even with the rise of e-commerce, sash-strapped middle and working class customers have found other avenues to find what they need for lower prices. Ulta Beauty, TJ Maxx, and the Home Depot have moved into fill the needs that these anchors used to fill and continue to open stores.

When anchors close, the smaller tenants close up shop, leading to more dying malls. As of October 2018, closings of anchors like Sears, Bon-Ton, and JC Penney and mall stores like J. Crew, Abercrombie & Fitch,have pushed the total enclosed mall vacancy rate to 9.1%.   However, while B, C and D class malls- or malls in “in less desirable locations and home to less coveted tenants with lower sales per square foot” are vulnerable to vacancy rates and closing, the luxury mall or A class, has shown signs of success.

 

Only the Strong (or Wealthy) Survive

“Within 10 to 15 years the typical U.S. mall, unless completely reinvented, will be seen as a historical anachronism, “said Grove developer Rick Caruso at a National Retail Federation’s annual convention in 2014.

The “typical U.S. mall” had a Macy’s, Boscovs or Dillards. It had parking lots, skylight, and a food court. It catered towards a growing middle class with cash to spend with stores that fit their income bracket. But, Class A malls, or the kind of retail experience that Rick Caruso has built with the Grove: luxury department stores, expensive brands, and fine dining with a walkable “main street.”

While other Class A malls may lack the Caruso’s visual flare, the bare bones of their business plan is similar.  The King of Prussia mall, the second largest mall in the US, underwent a 155,000-square-foot expansion and ushered in luxury tenants like Cartier and Jimmy Choo. While luxury department stores like Neiman Marcus, Saks Fifth Avenue, and Nordstrom have fewer stores, they have locations in the majority of the the nation’s most successful malls.

According to research by Boenning &  Scattergood, the 20 most valuable malls in the country make more than 21 billion in retail sales. According to Fung Global Retail & Technology, just a fifth of the nation’s luxury malls generate more than 75 percent of mall revenues.

At the same time, income disparities continue to widen in the US. According to Vox, in the years between 1980 and 2018, “the poorest half of the US population has seen its share of income steadily decline, and the top 1 percent have grabbed more.”

“It is very much a haves and have-nots situation,” said D. J. Busch, a senior analyst to the New York Times. Wealthier americans “will keep going to Short Hills Mall in New Jersey or other properties aimed at the top 5 or 10 percent of consumers. But there’s been very little income growth in the belly of the economy.”

Data also shows that millenials have less money than previous generations, as stagnant wages, debt, and rising housing prices cause millenials to spend “nearly $20 less every day than their counterparts roughly 10 years ago,” according to a recent Gallup poll.  And as almost three quarters of millenials prefer to spend more on experiences than material items, the malls have to adapt to that need with expensive renovations.

As anchor stores marketed towards working-to-middle-class clientele close and brick-and-mortar retail demands change, luxury malls remain. If all the business has flowed towards malls with the ability to finance opulence and entertainment, what happens to the communities that called those now dead malls home?  

A Post-Apocalyptic Future

As customers lose their shopping malls, local workers lose their jobs. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Department stores have shed 500,00 jobs since 2002, which is almost is almost 18 times more workers than coal mining.

Before the Recession, 2.4 million workers were staffed in retail than manufacturing and health care. However, ten years later,  the education and health services industry employs more than 34.48 Americans, while the retail industry employs 20.3 million.   

 

 

The rise of e-commerce industry has also opened up job operuntities. Amazon and other companies continue to higher more and more workers to staff fufillment positions in warehouses, all the while holding competitions to develop even more effecient robots to work in those warehouses.  

Even as American workers adapt to changing demands, communities will have to adjust from the revenue benefits of brick-and-mortar retail. Montgomery County,PA gets 50 percent of its revenue from the King of Prussia mall, the 2nd largest mall in the US. However, the county is the second wealthiest in the state by income with around a $40,076 per capita income.Other counties across the mid-atlantic region stand to be affected by the loss of the revenue from regional malls and access to jobs. Berks, Columbia, Allegheny and other Pennsylvania counties all have dying malls in 2018 and have per capita incomes less than $29,000.

The labor force participation rate decreased by more than three percentage points from 2000 to 2015. While unemployment rates remain low, fewer workers will have to support a growing retired population in the future. At the same time when other emerging employment opportunities in the gig economy have a technological timestamp, the transformation of the American mall is more than just the end of food courts and your local department store, but also provides insight into the changing nature of work, income, and consumer behavior in the US.

Are Newspaper Publishers on Track to End Up in the “Extinct” Exhibit?

The American newspaper industry has used advertisements as its main source of revenue ever since the very first colonial publication, the Boston News-Letter, printed a real estate ad in 1704. Though this “newspaper” was only a half-sheet, single-spaced weekly journal, it p aved a business model that would be used over the next three centuries. Then, nearly three hundred years later, the wheels came off the wagon. It no longer made economic sense to pair editorial content and advertising together in a printed product in the age of ad networks and digital distribution.  Paperboys found themselves unemployed and traditional reporting jobs dried up. The digital revolution’s effects are still playing out, but there seems to be a way for publishers to charge ahead—by focusing on differentiating content and by taking exclusive ownership of high-quality, specific data that is valuable to advertisers. Many papers have revised their business models to target younger, more internet-savvy audiences. After all, when an e-commerce pioneer like Jeff Bezos buys the Washington Post, it’s clear that journalism is merging into the virtual sphere. But the dust has not totally settled. The field may look like it is heading in certain direction now, but things are constantly changing. It’s important to remember that just a few decades ago, most people would have never guessed that physical newspapers would start to disappear.

 

Prior to the internet, publishers had the upper hand. They had limited space in their newspapers and advertisers were willing to pay for a section so that readers could see their product. Although not every reader fell under the demographic most likely to be interested in purchasing, advertisers could buy up as much space as possible and thus increase the likelihood of reaching people from that specific group. Technological advances, however, took out the element of scarcity—theoretically, anyone in the world could access the internet and read content that was once only accessible by purchasing a physical copy at a news stand. This made the price of a non-tailored advertisement close to none. Advertisers became much more interested in placing their ads on websites that attract their target demographic rather than buying as much ad space as possible and hoping that group sees it.

 

People who were only interested in reading one specific section did not have to buy the entire paper to access it—media was finally unbundled. It created the ability for businesses to choose to advertise in places where their target demographic frequents, making their strategy less reliant on volume and more reliant on consumer data and tailored audiences. If someone wants to read the latest updates in the fashion section, they do not need to buy the politics and sports section as well.

 

This kind of shift, however, has been seen before. Journalism is not the first industry to have been affected by the unbundling of media. When technology allowed people to purchase individual songs on handheld devices without buying the entire album first, the revenue landscape shifted. Suddenly, Apple and other streaming services had a slice of the revenue pie, and that pie was also shrinking. Overall recording revenue fell, and artists were getting the short end of the stick. Many songwriters, like Taylor Swift, fought back on social media. Taylor released a letter exposing Apple’s stingy licensing agreements. Artists who previously relied on selling music to make a profit are now more focused on merchandising and concert tickets.

 

Similarly, the internet has ushered in an urgent need for newspapers to adapt and find ways to make money. For the journalism industry, the unbundling of media was a good thing for everyone involved except for the publisher. It led to a major power shift—advertisers now want to do business with networking and search engine companies instead of newspapers. Facebook and Google have a virtual duopoly on the digital advertising market, which grew 21% to $88 billion in 2017. The two companies accounted for 90% of that growth, and reason is simple: access to information. More than one billion people—who have likes, dislikes, friends, and interests—are active on Facebook. Google has a similar advantage as it processes more than 70% of the world’s search requests. When you search something on Google, the company finds out where you are and tracks what you’re searching, compiles that information, and sells it to potential advertisers. Advertisers were no longer willing to pay newspapers high amounts because it makes much more sense for them to pay Facebook and Google.

 

 

Unfortunately, rapid technological changes have a tendency to force sink or swim results. Between 2008 and 2017, the total number of newsroom employees declined 23%.Though technology does create a demand for new jobs, so far, it has not been enough to offset the loss. The number of digital employees increased by 79%, but that only created around 6000 new jobs while there were 32,000 layoffs within the same time frame. It is important to note that these numbers could change within the coming years as the industry finds new ways to adapt.

 

One way the industry has started to adapt is by shifting away from using advertisements as its main source of its revenue. Big players like the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Chicago Tribune grew their digital subscriptions in 2016 by 46%, 23%, and 76%, respectively. While top performers have been able to keep their heads well above water, both digital and print circulation for the industry as a whole saw an 8% decline in that same year. Getting subscribers is not easy for a majority of newspapers with less of a cult following. People tend to trust far-reaching, big publications like the NYT, thus keeping the high-circulation outlets right at the top.

 

The other way to get subscribers is by targeting a specific readership. In a 2017 study by the American Press Institute, the top reason cited by subscribers who were willing to pay for news services was that the outlet offered unique content on topics they personally cared about.  Thus, if you do not have the clout of having the highest circulation in the country, differentiating your content could be the way to go.

Differentiating content does increase the likelihood of attracting a higher subscription rate, but it also has another crucial bonus—it appeals to advertisers. Sites like Buzzfeed and Refinery 29 have already employed a tactic known as “native advertising.” These sites target a specific audience and integrate advertising into their content, making the product placement relatively subtle and extremely valuable. Disney could pay for a pop-up ad that people click out of immediately, or they could instead pay Buzzfeed to create a quiz called “Eat Your Way Through Disney Parks And We’ll Guess How Old You Are.” Studies have shown that consumers find native advertising is more interesting, informative, and useful than traditional ads. Though Buzzfeed and Refinery 29 do not charge for subscriptions, the money they make in sponsored content keeps advertisers happy and their profit margins high.

 

 

Another way the newspaper industry is fighting back is by playing Facebook and Google’s game of controlling consumer data. Industry executives are well aware that advertisers are willing to pay high amounts for accurate and verified data about potential consumers who visit their sites. Several publications have started doing this by joining coalitions aligned with advertising technology providers, whose goal is to leverage audience data. One example is the Local Media Consortium, who says they are “focused on increasing member companies’ potential share of digital revenue and audience by pursuing new relationships with a variety of technology companies and service providers.” For newspapers, joining this kind of group instead of letting a third-party interfere can help put their profit margins back on track.

 

The dust of the industrial revolution has not fully settled, but there seems to be a path forward for news publishers. Though big names like the New York Times seem to be the ones most likely to forge ahead unscathed, smaller-scale publications still have a chance to succeed. Right now, newspaper companies may be discouraged and might blame technology for shrinking their profits. But this is just an example of technology doing what it does best: forcing progress. The internet has allowed billions of people to access news across the globe, connecting people to information like never before. The journalism industry just needs to catch up. And it will.

Behind ‘fast fashion’ brands are underpaid workers working in sweatshops

Lured by the promise of a restaurant job paying $1,000 a month, Yeni Dewi travelled to the United States on a tourist visa in 2013. Once here, she realized she had been trafficked. She was forced to work as a domestic help at a house in Sherman Oaks near Santa Monica. She worked 18 hours daily and was paid $200 every 35-38 days. She managed to escape after a couple of years and has been a garment worker ever since.

Currently she works at a garment manufacturing factory near the intersection of Wall Street and 8th Street on the outskirts of the Fashion District in downtown L.A. Dewi said that the factory is a supplier for Fashion Nova. But she earns around $300-$350 per month even though she works for at least 40 hours every week.

“I don’t like the situation…but I have no other choice,” said Dewi, who is mother to a daughter here and a son who lives back home Indonesia with his grandmother.

Yeni Dewi with her daughter

According to a report by CIT Group Inc. and the California Fashion Association, the fashion industry in Los Angeles generates at least $18 billion in revenue. However, behind the world of mass-produced garments from fast fashion brands like Zara, Forever 21 and Fashion Nova, lies an underbelly of exploited workers receiving less than minimum wage and working in sweatshop conditions.

The minimum wage in the City of Los Angeles is presently $12 or $13.25 an hour, depending on the size of the business. According to the first quarterly report of 2018 of the California Employment Development Department, the hourly median wage of a worker in the garment and textile industry was $11.81. Despite state law mandating that all garment workers must be paid at least the minimum wage, many say that they don’t even get half of the designated amount.

“We are earning like $5 an hour right now, when every year it [the minimum wage] rises up to $12, $13 and so on,” she said. “In L.A, the minimum wage rises every year, but the piece rate never rises.”

According to the piece rate, each garment worker is paid around 70 cents for each “operation” like stitching the sleeves to the main body of a dress or joining the two sides of a shirt. Dewi said the total amount earned by a worker per garment depends on the style, but generally comes to around $2.

Mariella Martinez of the Garment Worker Center said that part of the reason that garment workers receive such low wages is that the big, sometimes multinational, brands that the factories supply refuse to increase their prices. This puts the onus solely on the owners of the factories to pay decent wages. The owners, in turn, are often unwilling to cut into their own profits. They also have to compete with manufacturing plants in Asia or Central or South America where labor is cheaper and labor laws are less stringent.

“If it is $15 an hour [for labor] in the United States and in California, that is a day’s labor in Mexico and two days’ labor in China,” said Ilse Metchek, the president of the California Fashion Association.

The Association, which Metchek said deals with, “the voice of the industry, the business of the business,” was formed in 1995 in the aftermath of the El Monte Slavery Case.

Metchek said that manufacturing has decreased in Los Angeles and will keep on decreasing over the years. The industry however is still huge. In 2016, Business Wire found that wholesalers in the industry added roughly 1500 jobs each year.

In 2016, researchers from UCLA studied the wage claims processed through the Garment Workers Center and found that workers earn an average of $5.15 an hour. Despite state legislation that holds manufacturers liable for wage and hour violations in the garment manufacturing industry, there is also little governmental oversight or enforcement.

Many of the factories operate illegally in garages, sheds, or abandoned properties, making it very difficult for government agencies to monitor them, said Dewi. They also do not provide health benefits, holidays or insurance and workers often have to work in sweatshop conditions.

Dewi has worked in factories where there were no bathroom or lunch breaks and the workers there had to bring their own clean water and toilet paper, she said.

Virgilda Romero, another garment worker, also described working in unsafe and unhygienic conditions.

“I worked at a factory between Broadway and Main streets on Adams where things were really bad…They would make me do a lot of the cleaning. So I would be in charge of cleaning the bathrooms and also like catching killing the rodents and then so I would deal with like rat pee falling on me and things like that,” said Romero. “I wouldn’t work sometimes on Sundays and they would leave the trash over, so there would be like maggots in the trash.”

Virgilda Romero at the Garment Worker Center

Romero arrived in the United States from Guatemala in 2001. She has worked in the garment manufacturing industry for more than 16 years. The first factory she worked at paid only 5 cents a piece. She has also worked in places where the employers would pressure her to work faster and not allow her to take any breaks. There have been times when she worked for 11 hours a day, Monday through Saturday, and sometimes even on Sundays to earn enough to survive.

Romero said that her present employer was much better and pays her around $470 for six-day weeks. Even then, when she informed her that she would be unable to work for some days due to a surgery, she got very upset and said, “You’re going to miss work again. You better get healthy quick so that you can come back to work as soon as possible.”

“I was very nervous because I’ve been taking these medications that make me have to go to the bathroom a lot because of the surgery and I was, you know, kind of scared the whole time that she would get angry for taking so many restroom breaks,” said Romero.

According to the California Bureau of Labor Statistics, 71 percent of the garment workers are immigrants, mostly Latinx and Asians. While both Romero now has valid work permit, many of the workers are undocumented immigrants and some are, like Dewi, victims of human trafficking.

The owners of the factories easily take advantage of their workers because they know that they are in precarious positions and will be too scared to go to the authorities to file wage claims or complaints about work conditions, Martinez said. Many are simply not aware that even though they are undocumented, they still enjoy certain rights.

For instance, Dewi did not speak English or Spanish when she first arrived in the United States. She was also not aware that she had certain rights as a victim of human trafficking. She was hiding both from her traffickers and also immigration authorities. She was scared that if she went to the police, they would arrest her for not possessing valid work permits. She did not realize that the garment industry was short-changing her as well.

“When I was working for my traffickers, they only paid me $200 [every 35 days]…and I didn’t get any holidays. In the garment industry, I got like $200 or $150 a week, and I thought it was good,” said Dewi. It was only after lawyers with the Garment Workers Center made her aware of her rights did she realize how low her wages were.

Dewi’s documentation is being processed and she hopes she will soon be able to apply for a green card and bring her son to Los Angeles.

As a member of the Garment Workers’ Center, Dewi often helps them with their campaigns. She said that most importantly the industry needs to abolish the piece rate.

“The first thing we are gonna to do is get minimum wage for the workers and then everything else, step-by-step, said Dewi. “We are gonna ask for health and safety and everything else.”

Retaliatory Tariffs Ramp up Tensions at the Port of Los Angeles

While waiting for hours to get called for a shift outside the dispatch hall at Wilmington, Calif., Rafael Ochoa, a 37-year-old freelance or “casual” longshore worker at the Port of Los Angeles, remained uncertain about the future work volume amid the headline-grabbing trade dispute between China and the U.S.

“It is all about the economy, if the economy f*&%s up, we are not working, that is just how it goes.” Ochoa said. “We are already struggling.”

The neighboring ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles are a key entry point for goods imported to the U.S., with 40 percent of all imports coming through the gateway of San Pedro Bay, Nick Vyas, executive director of the Center for Global Supply Chain Management at the USC Marshall School of Business, said. “We are a huge network entry point of the Asia Pacific, especially stuff coming from China,”

Even though the two countries have reached a truce after the 2018 G-20 summit in Buenos Aires, Argentina, official announcements regarding the timeline and de-escalating plans are yet to be published. Currently, the White House has imposed tariffs on $250 billion worth of Chinese imports – 25% on $50 billion worth and 10% on the rest. To retaliate, Beijing levied tariffs on $60 billion of American goods.

According to the Port of Los Angeles, it handled $284 billion in trade during 2017, while trade with China and Hong Kong accounted for more than half of its total cargo.

As the largest container port in North America, it generates colossal economic activities: 147,000 jobs in Los Angeles, 1.6 million jobs throughout the country, 41 percent of West Coast’s market share, and 18 percent of the national market share, according to statistics published by the port.

If the head-to-head trade confrontation continues, the Port of Los Angeles is expecting to see negative impacts on up to 20 percent of trade values in the fourth quarter, Philip Sanfield, a spokesperson of the port, said.

Besides financial losses to the port, the trade war could result in potential human toll for workers on the waterfront.

After his 12-year journey of being a part-time longshoreman, Ochoa is still far away from earning his chance to be part of the union. By getting three to four shifts on a weekly basis, Ochoa could bring home between $35,000 to $55,000 a year, depending on how much he works and what job he gets. “The pay here is good, plus if you don’t show up they don’t get mad at you.”

However, the everyday wait is horrendously long. “It could be three hours in the morning, three hours at night.” he said. “We have no life outside this, we just have to be here.”

Without the union’s shield, casual workers secure far fewer shifts than full-time workers. Seven days a week, they queue up for a chance to get leftover assignments that are not taken by the union members. “We don’t get to choose, they get to choose,” Ochoa said.

In the face of the ongoing trade-war tensions, Ochoa expressed his frustration over the uncertainty in a profanity-laced response to questions about his future.

Ochoa said the job amount in the upcoming months could be reminiscent of the situation in 2009. He and his colleagues had no choice but to leave the dispatch hall with no jobs when the economy went into a tailspin. “We would show up for three months straight, and finally we took three months to get out once,” he said.

Despite the holistic impact on economic activities on the dock, casual longshoremen would bear the brunt of the tug of war between the U.S. and China as they are at the bottom of the dispatch system. “Definitely all the casuals, but I think some regular will also be affected.” Ochoa said.

Regarding the massive trade with China, the endless uncertainty about the trade war could have huge implications on the entire country, not just Los Angeles.

Vyas said consumers would start to feel the slings and arrows of tariff ramifications in six months. “The cost of goods will be much higher because obviously of the companies continue to produce goods in China, they will get higher taxes.”

However, since tariffs became the hot-button issue for manufacturers and distributors earlier this year, the Port of Los Angeles has experienced some good months compared to 2017.

With Chinese shippers pushing hard to swarm products into the U.S. before the tariffs were in place, the volume of total imports coming through the port rose 2.8 percent and 6.3 percent year-on-year in June and July respectively, port statistics show.

Although import volumes recorded a 0.5 percent year-on-year dip in August following the onset of retaliatory tariffs between the two nations, the numbers jumped 8.3 percent and 26.7 percent in September and October respectively from a year prior, according to the data published by the port.

Vyas does not think the trade volume at the port will be affected under the tariff pressure as Chinese manufacturers are quickly investing and divesting out of China in response to Trump’s trade policy.

“This dispute creates an urgency to open up factories in different parts of the world, and stuff that was made in China is now made in Malaysia. It is very easy for them to create the capacity and start manufacturing.” he said.

While no solutions to the trade disputes are being seen in container shipping companies, Sanfield said negotiable settlement instead of tariffs would be good to global trade, not only for the Los Angeles port.

“I think it is interesting to see who is going to blink first and who is going to say it is time to stop this childish game and adopt discussion on the table and finalize it,” Vyas said. “There will be give and take.”

What’s Wrong with School Lunches?

A handful of tater-tots coupled with pizza the size of your palm (with two whole pepperoni slices!) on top of a disposable styrofoam tray was considered a really good day at the cafeteria. On other days, students were in for more of a surprise: a mystery meat accompanied by chocolate or strawberry milk would be received differently by everyone. Very few are satisfied with the lunches but it is too late to revamp the American public school lunch system. This is not simply an issue to bad food, but really a problem of money. The health of this generation is at stake, but corporations are not interested in the health of kids, but only profits.

Courtesy to DoSomething

Regardless of the menu, school lunches in American public schools often elicit an image of a soggy, plastic-y, hot (or sometimes cold) mess. Part of this is due to the vague definition of vegetables from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). Our nation’s nutrition standards that guide public school lunches describe potatoes as a vegetable, and, by association, french fries are classified as vegetables. The tomato paste in the pizza, pickle relish, and ketchup all qualify as vegetables in the confines of American lunchrooms and pass as “healthy” food.

Why are the health guidelines for school lunches so confusing? And what does that have to do with the bad food? In 1947, Congress passed the National School Lunch Act, which aimed to ensure all kids in America that could not afford lunches at school would still be fed, even if the government had to subsidize their meals. Even with the suspicious standards for food, the intentions of the government were good—they wanted to keep kids from going hungry at school. But today, the American public school lunch system tells a revealing story of Federal budgeting and how policy actually plays out from the Congressional floor to elementary school lunchrooms and beyond.

 

Budget Food

1935 was the first year Congress set aside money in the school lunch program. The government initially used the surplus food from farmers like dairy, wheat, and pork to make these meals. As more children started eating government-funded lunches, the budget steadily increased because the lunch programs needed even larger quantities of food, no longer utilizing surplus food, but created a demand. But in the 1980s, the Reagan administration faced the difficult problem of cutting the Congressional budget. From the overall $615 billion of the 1981 fiscal year, the school lunch program became the victim of the budget cut. President Reagan reallocated $1 billion from the lunch subsidies, reducing the U.S. government spending to a reported $3.6 billion overall for school lunches. This 24 percent decrease in lunch funding led to creative ideas from the Reagan Administration to pinch pennies. Controversially, ketchup was presented as a vegetable during this time, and these bold classifications of vegetables have continued. Even today, within Congress and the administration, there is a constant struggle to keep the budget as small as possible because the spending on child nutrition programs grows at exponential rates. According to the Congressional Budget Office, the spending more than doubled since the 90s and is projected to rise continuously in the future. Despite the increase in budget, nutritional programs often grow at similar or faster rates, resulting in a shortage of money.

The money to provide these services and food gets tighter every year, so do the health standards. The demand for low- and no-fat foods has surged since the 90s. Today, the meals schools serve have a calories limit ranging from 650 to 850, depending on the age range of the children. Not only that, the minimum servings of fruits and vegetables doubled, “dark green and orange vegetables” now replace the previous potatoes and tomato paste as vegetables, offering a wider variety of real vegetables. Meals are now served with less sodium, less saturated fats, and a reduced amount of added sugars. No more sugary drinks or unhealthy snacks… the list goes on.

The stricter health guidelines are largely due to two things. The first is the Free and Reduced Lunch program, which derived from the initiative to feed every child in our schools. The National School Lunch Act guarantees lunch for everyone. These lunches play an important role for many children; President Obama once noted that, for many children, school lunches are “their most nutritious meal—sometimes their only meal—of the day.” Last year, a whopping 4.9 billion lunches were served. If we break this number down to a daily basis, American public schools served 30 million lunches in one day: 20 million of which are free, 2 million were at a reduced rate, and 8 million were paid in their full price. If over two-thirds of lunches served receive their food at a reduced or free price, it’s a good indicator that many children are indeed dependent on these school provided lunches.

The other reason the USDA began to enforce tighter health guidelines was due to the obesity epidemic the media extensively covered in the early 2000s. From the University of Michigan, Dr. Kim A. Eagle’s research study identified school lunches as another risk for childhood obesity. One of most jarring statistics stated that “those who regularly had the school lunch were 29 percent more likely to be obese than those who brought lunch from home.” Eagle attributes this to the fact that school lunches rely on high-energy, low-nutrient-value food, which was usually centered around corn and potatoes, because of their lower costs. The First Lady Michelle Obama created the Healthy Hunger-Free Kids Act, an initiative to combat obesity, promoting not only exercise, but also pushed for stricter health guidelines for students.

The constant shaving of the Federal budget alongside strict health standards had left America with very few options. Processed foods were on a rise in response to this situation. The opportunity to turn Federal dollars into a lucrative business propelled companies such as Tyson and PepsiCo to capitalize on this opportunity. These companies began lobbying efforts to ensure their products were used in lunchrooms.

 

Graphic from School Nutrition Association


In these conversations where the decision making for school lunches take place, there are two other major players: the SNA or School Nutrition Association and the National School Boards Association who represent the interests of students and as advocates of schools, and organizations such as the Food Research and Action Center and the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities who examine the nutritional value of food.

Though SNA is supposed to advocate on behalf of schools, the School Nutrition Association’s website shows that lobbying groups such as Tyson and Pepsico are listed as partners. While the processed foods are not a good thing, it’s all the schools can realistically afford. Such high health standards with a significantly low budget from the government is a tall order to fulfill.

When asked about the amount of processed foods in school lunches, the SNA stated, “While many school are working to increase the amount of freshly prepared and scratch-made menus items, those with limited equipment and labor resources rely on healthy pre-prepared foods to ensure students receive balanced meals each day.” Even if there is enough money to assemble all the ingredients for healthy, unprocessed meals, there is not enough to employ kitchens to cook and serve children.

A myriad of factors are all complex layers to the problem of American public school lunches: the shrinking Congressional budget, the high reliance on free and reduced lunch, the intricate health standards, and lobbying groups of processed foods. The system has ballooned so much and fallen too deep to fix.

 

 

SOURCES:

https://www.cnbc.com/video/2018/11/14/heres-who-gets-rich-from-school-lunch.html

https://www.cnbc.com/2018/11/14/how-big-brands-like-tyson-and-pepsico-profit-from-school-lunches.html

https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/child-nutrition-programs/national-school-lunch-program.aspx

https://www.cbo.gov/publication/50737https://firstfocus.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Nutrition-Budget-Fact-Sheet-FY18-PDF1.pdf

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/08/how-to-scale-up-healthy-eating-in-schools/

https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/files/docs/publications/usbudget/bus_1981.pdf

https://schoolnutrition.org/AboutSchoolMeals/SchoolMealTrendsStats/#1

https://www.fns.usda.gov/nslp/history_5

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/new-nutrition-standards-for-school-lunches/

The Pile-Up: China’s trash limitations force the United States to seek alternatives

The past year has been a trashy year, and not just because of the United States’ tumultuous political climate. Rather, the problems with trash have become more central to environmental and economic reform than ever before.

For some, plastic straws sparked the conversation when Seattle banned single-use plastics this past summer, an event that swept the internet and inspired mass numbers to act against pollution. The real trash tale, however, is much grimmer than the sliver of environmental hope provided by any limit placed on plastic drinking tubes. With the United States producing the most waste globally and China recently enacting limitations on how much foreign garbage it will import, the trash is piling up. Americans are now coming face-to-face with a hard reality: reduce waste or suffocate under the consequences.

It’s no secret that the United States has a huge problem with waste. Though home to only 4 percent of the world’s population, the U.S. produces more than 30 percent of the planet’s total waste, according to a report by Frontier Group. The average American throws out 7 pounds of materials each day, with over half of all materials scrapped by homes and business ending up in landfills and only a third being recycled or composted.

Source: Frontier Group

The expanding $60 billion solid waste industry in the U.S. indicates the large-scale effort required to domestically manage all of the garbage produced. At this rate, however, the U.S. has not been capable of managing all of its own trash. While the wasteful reality of the U.S. may be “Land of the free, home of the brave… and lots of garbage in between,” the U.S. has made every attempt to steer away from such a reputation within its physical landscape. As a result, the U.S. has been exporting about one-third of its recyclables, with half going to China, according to NPR. To paint a global picture, nearly half of the planet’s plastic trash since 1988 — including single-use plastics, food wrappers and plastic bags — has been sent to China to be recycled into other forms of plastic goods, according to The Verge.

At first, this was a mutually beneficial trade agreement for both the U.S. and China: the U.S. would have significantly less trash to deal with on its home turf, and industrial China was able to acquire foreign currency while turning plastic into profit. The USC-US China Institute reported that, as time went on, the U.S.’s biggest dollar value export to China was trash, with Bloomberg reporting that Americans shipping more than $5.6 billion worth of scrap to China in 2016. At its peak, the Chinese recycling industry supported nearly 12 million jobs, and the recycled plastic was being turned into products valued over $64 billion a year. Environmentally, recycling also provided China a means to save energy when compared to industries like mining and logging. It was a business model that seemed to be indestructible.

Source: Bloomberg

Come 2012, however, what appeared to be an untouchable, powerful and productive market took a turn for the worst. China’s labor market shrunk for the first time. U.S. scrap exports to China fell for the first time since 1996. The next year, more foreign direct investment went to Southeast Asia than China. Then, the big one hit at the end of 2017: China notified the World Trade Organization that it had decided to ban imports of 24 categories of solid waste, effective March 2018. Now that China is post-industrial and rests on more financially-steady ground, the trash ban is the country’s next step toward improving the quality of life for its citizens by reducing emissions and creating a more sustainable nation.

“There was no doubt there was a great deal of discontent within China, and if they had announced a five-year transition, they would have faced domestic opposition,” said Dr. Douglas Becker, an international relations and environmental studies professor at the University of Southern California. “The reports coming out of the areas near the largest trash dumps in south China are a lot worse that people realized, and not by a small amount. So they sensed that they needed to do something fairly drastic.”

China is not backing down from the ban. Considering this change was essentially put in place immediately, though, the policy threw the U.S.’s trash processing system for a whirlwind.

“If it doesn’t go to China for two to three months, you’ll have 1 million tons of paper stacked somewhere in the American economy,” said Ranjit Baxi, president of the Brussels-based Bureau of International Recycling, to Bloomberg.

Baxi was exactly correct, as the U.S. is already feeling the effects of the ban. The Washington Post reported that states like Massachusetts and Oregon are changing some of their waste restrictions, dumping recyclable material into landfills. In California, the effect has been “heavy” according to a Waste Dive report that has been tracking the outcomes of China’s scrap limitations since Nov. 2017. Locally, an LA County Sanitation Districts official told Marketplace that 15-20 percent more material is ending up in the Puente Hills facility as residual contamination. Managing waste domestically in a sustainable fashion already posed a significant challenge, but now with China out of the picture, trash is pouring out of American landfills.

“Depending on the areas and cities, landfills are filling a bit more quickly, and I know there has been some talk about large cities trying to find the landfill space further and further from their city centers, perhaps even in different states,” Becker said. “That tends to engender quite a bit of opposition.”

The scariest thing? Even though the trash trade went on for decades, the ban has only been in practice for less than a year, but the consequences are already eliciting drastic results.

Source: Asian Review

China’s decisions to limit its importation of trash is like a form of self-care: by cutting out toxic relationships, the country is now able to focus on improving the life quality of its citizens. America, however, cannot function without exporting its scrap, so Southeast Asian countries have become China’s replacement. Thus, China itself may be on a greener path, but the waste problem at large simply has simply shifted from one landmass to the next, raising the same environmental issues for different people groups.

“I think the same concerns the Chinese had with the areas of toxicity are also valid in South and Southeast Asia where the trash is going,” Becker said. “As far as Southeast Asia is concerned, for some, they do want the materials to help them industrialize, but it’s largely a means by which to make money. So, I imagine [importing trash] would be pretty bad for the local populations, the same reason why the Chinese chose to end this.”

In essence, Southeast Asian countries are importing waste for similar reasons that China did. Recycling was an introductory means toward progress, but processing trash is not a long-term environmental or economic solution. Countries such as Malaysia and Thailand are already expressing frustration at the burden the increasing amounts of trash have placed on the countries.

Steve Wong, managing director of Fukutomi, a plastic recycling and trading company in Hong Kong, told Asian Review that Southeast Asian nations cannot handle even half of the volume China imported in the past.

“The abrupt China ban leaves [Southeast Asian] countries unprepared to receive the huge influx of waste,” Wong said.

Waste in Thailand. Source: Asian Review

From Jan. to March 2018, Thailand imported 121,000 tons of trash, a 17.7 percent increase from the same period a year before, according to data released by the Global Trade Atlas. Malaysia’s trash importation increased fourfold, and Vietnam, Taiwan and South Korea also have seen significant increases. Meanwhile, China and Hong Kong have seen more than 90 percent decreases.

Just because China banned the import of scrap in favor of the environment, however, doesn’t mean Chinese recyclers were financially happy with the decision. According to Wong, an estimated 1,700 licensed Chinese recyclers were affected by the import ban, and about 40 percent of them have relocated their operations to Southeast Asian countries.

“Up to 1,000 Chinese businessmen are asking for licenses to do recycling in Thailand, with total investment of up to 250 million baht ($7.6 million),” said a senior official at Thailand’s Industry Ministry. As a result, Thailand has put an indefinite hold on licensing to counter Chinese land ventures, according to Asian Review.

Between fights for land, trash and the environment, the entire trash trade narrative boils down to the same core problems: How do we fix our massive trash habits, and why is waste so problematic?

Frontier Group lists several environmental consequences of waste production. Most notably, about 42 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions are created from the production, transportation and disposal of goods, which is a direct contributor to global warming. Garbage that does not get dumped in landfills or recycling plants often ends up in the ocean, which is detrimental for marine biodiversity, habitats and overall water quality. Air quality is affected. Discarded materials waste natural resources. Landfills decrease property value and overall quality of life. The list, really, could go on forever.

U.S. citizens, however, can only do so much because the larger issue of waste is a top-down problem. Though each American disposes an average of 2,555 pounds of materials per year, those materials only make up 3 percent of all solid waste in the United States. When a majority of waste comes from industrial processes like mining, manufacturing and agriculture, encouraging individual choices, ultimately, can only make so much of a difference.

So, as a quick anecdote, let’s return to the plastic straw ban. Though Seattle issued a ban in July on all single-use plastic straws and utensils at all food service businesses, it was not the first city of its kind to enact such a ruling. Seattle made the plastic straw ban trendy, though, because the city is the birthplace of Starbucks, which is an inherently trendy brand. Therefore, the small-scale straw issue became widespread as Seattle-based Starbucks no longer could utilize their famous green single-use plastic straws.

As the negative view of plastic straws caught on, many were suddenly switching their plastic straws for paper or stainless steel ones and felt they were saving the planet as a result. The truth? There are eight million tons of plastic streaming into the ocean annually, and plastic straws only make up 0.025 percent of that waste, according to National Geographic.

“[The plastic straw ban is] not going to solve the problem, but it’s at least raising awareness for a lot of people — an increasing amount of recycling, pressure being placed on corporations in particular to try and manage some of the packaging issues,” Becker said. “There’s a greater public awareness as a result of this. I think that’s probably going to continue.”

The plastic straw ban is more of a poster child for larger environmental and economic problems associated with waste than it is the actual solution to waste itself. Even if the U.S. were to completely rid of every plastic straw in sight, the U.S.’s need to export recyclables and deal with the environmental consequences of trash would not be impacted. The plastic straw ban, however, does have the potential to start a chain reaction with eradicating bigger forms of plastic. With China’s limitations on trash and increased awareness surrounding waste, maybe in coming years the world won’t be such a trashy place after all.

Labeling carbon like calories

The world emitted 32.5 gigatons, or 32.5 billion metric tons, in 2017. Globally, agriculture accounts for 24% of these greenhouse gas emissions, with livestock accounting for about 14.5% to 18%. This makes animal production alone more polluting than the entire global transportation industry. And though agriculture isn’t always the most popular topic when it comes to policy conversations around climate change, the data make a compelling argument to change the way we consume livestock.

Pie chart showing emissions by sector. 25% is from electricity and heat production; 14% from transport; 6% from residential and commercial buildings; 21% from industry; 24% from agriculture, forestry and other land use; 10% from other energy uses.

Source: EPA

According to Drawdown, the self-proclaimed  “most comprehensive plan […] to reverse global warming,” a shift to plant-rich diets is the fourth most impactful solution (out of 80) to achieve this goal, with the potential to reduce atmospheric CO2 by 66.11 gigatons.

 If 50 percent of the world’s population restricts their diet to a healthy 2,500 calories per day and reduces meat consumption overall, we estimate at least 26.7 gigatons of emissions could be avoided from dietary change alone. If avoided deforestation from land use change is included, an additional 39.3 gigatons of emissions could be avoided, making healthy, plant-rich diets one of the most impactful solutions at a total of 66 gigatons reduced.

Despite the well-documented research on the benefits of a plant-rich diet, global meat demand has remained untouched, and consumption in all animal categories has increased linearly since the 1960s. It doesn’t appear to be slowing down.

Source

A recent paper authored by Joseph Poore of Oxford University and published in Science indicates both alarming new research regarding food emissions and revisits pragmatic solutions. Poore’s findings corroborate existing research that animal products, particularly red meat, contribute substantially more to greenhouse gas emissions than any plant based food. Average emissions, or kilograms of CO2 equivalent, for 100g of protein in beef are 50 kgCO2eq. For peas, that number is 0.4 kg, or 0.8%. Beef emissions are unequivocally higher, even when factoring in high quantities of “food miles” that many plants bear. Food miles indicate the distance, say, an avocado from Mexico has to travel to the café in Notting Hill where you enjoy your avocado toast on a Sunday morning.

Poore revisits a powerful solution: give more power to the consumer. Food consumption is a uniquely personal choice involving individual preferences and dietary requirements, making any restriction on high carbon food consumption undesirable. Poore advocates for labeling a food’s carbon impact, a measure that would aim to reduce the overall demand for animal products. Reducing demand would theoretically reduce production, as is necessary in the free market, profit-maximizing model. In practice, carbon labeling would look like an additional piece of information required on nutrition labels. Carbon impact, like calorie content, would be required.

On unpackaged food, carbon may be labeled on the grocery store tags or on the glass panes that shelter the meat counter. Enforcement of a policy such as this not only democratizes information regarding food impact, but also allows customers to make conscious choices about the foods he chooses to purchase.

Providing more information to the consumer nearly always sounds like a good idea. But there are very real costs associated with a benefit such as this. Labeling all food products requires impact studies and manufacturing changes. Simply updating a food label costs businesses, on average, $6,000 per SKU, a significant cost for firms that produce hundreds of food items. We could imagine that labeling carbon may cost much more, as there are no current metrics to update—the data would have to be created for the first time. This information would be gleaned from impact studies, research that derives from tracing each ingredient to its origin and calculating its carbon impact throughout the supply chain, an activity that is sure to be much more costly than traditional nutrition labels, where information can be tested and obtained in a lab. Supply chains are rarely transparent or easy to track, and doing so will cost substantial amounts of money for companies to comply. There is also the matter of verification. Should companies be charged with labeling the carbon impact of each product, it would be easy, and almost predicted, that some of those numbers may be inaccurate and, therefore, counterproductive. To execute this successfully there must be verification agencies in place—auditing for environmental impacts, not just financial ones.

To many companies, $6,000 or more per item is pocket change. For others, like emerging start-ups in the food industry or small family farms, it’s the end of a company. That said, food giants are constantly updating their labels to market their product’s “new look, same great taste!” Carbon labels gives companies a new excuse to rebrand! This does, however, puts extraordinary pressure on small players in the industry like family grocers, many of whom are providing the healthiest, least polluting items. This dynamic indicates the need for government subsidies to assist financing large projects such as this.

Government subsidies may cause public outcry, particularly given the intense budget negotiations and lobbying power in Washington. In 2017, the United States government issued $16,185,786,300 dollars in farm subsidies, over $7 billion of which was allocated to commodities. Over $5 billion dollars was allocated to corn subsidies alone in 2017, a crop that’s primary use is—yes—to feed livestock.

chartSource: World of Corn

If we were to allocate a fraction of these subsidies away from crops that we artificially overproduce, we could provide substantial funding for these impact studies that may assist in tangibly relieving the environmental impact of carbon in the food system. This money would not be difficult to find—the low-hanging inefficiency fruit in the budget office is bountiful and ripe. The Economist reports that “between 2007 and 2011 Uncle Sam paid some $3m in subsidies to 2,300 farms where no crop of any sort was grown. Between 2008 and 2012, $10.6m was paid to farmers who had been dead for over a year.”

By offering initial subsidies to domestic companies, we could numb the pain of a potentially jarring regulation to offset the initial start-up costs associated with new research and a new labels. After this research and methodology improves and becomes standardized, government subsidies could eventually be eliminated, and costs to individual companies would be normalized.

Do we really need to put a carbon label on kale, though? Can’t we trust the common consumer be educated enough to distinguish between environmentally impactful foods and benign ones? Not really, and it’s not because consumers are inept. Adrian Williams, an agricultural researcher commissioned by the British government to study the carbon imprint of different foods, addressed this succinctly in a 2008 New Yorker essay.

“Everyone always wants to make ethical choices about the food they eat and the things they buy… And they should. It’s just that what seems obvious often is not. And we need to make sure people understand that before they make decisions on how they ought to live.”

Perhaps the most glaring hurdle to implementing these labels is educating consumers enough that they understand them. In 2007, Tesco, the largest supermarket chain in Britain, pledged to put carbon labels on all 70,000 of their products. Four years into the project, the grocer abandoned the initiative “because the message [was] too complicated” after labeling only 500 products. Though the move to change business strategy was multi-faceted, Tesco’s decision ultimately came down to two elements: no one else followed suit, and consumers didn’t know how to read them.

Developed with the Carbon Trust, most of these labels appeared like black and white footprints with the correlated grams of CO2 emitted printed in the middle. And while these labels offer a point of comparison in the lower corner, most consumers simply look over this fact. When I myself was living in London for a few months, I saw these labels frequently and had no idea what they were, and I didn’t bother to find out, either.

These labels must not only be designed better, but we must also educate the public about what they mean. This means more media coverage, more government campaigns, and more exposure to the labels at a young age. Demand and, therefore, the carbon impact of the food system, will not change if consumers don’t know what’s going on.

As with all new ideas, these suggestions are bound to bring warranted debate and discussion, but the debates alone should not discourage us from enacting such policies. As with any action, there are trade-offs. An investment in labeling carbon is a plausible first step towards investing in a new version of economic growth that considers environmental health in addition to financial.

A common argument against carbon labeling is the question of where in the supply chain tracking begins. And doesn’t it all get too complicated? We can get wrapped up in the idea of where the carbon tracking starts and if the gasoline the farmer used to buy the seed that planted the corn should be accounted for in that model. But those nuances, while crucial in the execution, miss the point. Carbon labeling gives us the benefit of comparison between products. It doesn’t matter where in the supply chain it starts, as long as its standardized and a true reflection of reality. The most crucial element of this all is that the average man going grocery shopping on his way home from work can easily see that a pound of ground beef produces a lot more carbon than a pound of turkey. It’s then up to the consumer how far he wants to exercise his carbon freedoms. Maybe he’ll become a vegetarian, but maybe he’ll just choose to eat turkey tonight. That may be where we are as a society right now. And that’s okay.

Because there will not be a strong economic advantage to choose a food item lower on the carbon impact scale, it’s necessary to note that this measure alone will not sufficiently change market conditions to reduce emissions. It is, however, a powerful way for early adopters to advocate through purchases, and an effective way to spread information about the impacts of individual choices on the environment.

On a practical level, this is a policy for consumer education. On a philosophical level, this is a policy to get people closer to the goods they consume, exposing, label by label, what’s really going on in the supply chain.

To be clear, labeling carbon will not curb emissions enough to actually meet the IPCC’s goal of 1.5 degrees C of warming. True and meaningful action requires putting a real price on carbon reflective of its value and integrating the environment into our economic fabric. This policy must be part of an ecosystem of changing action, thought, and discussion. This policy is forcing consumers to literally look at their choices in black and white and show them the environmental costs of a lifestyle. Carbon labeling is not going to save the icecaps, but it may be our best chance at bringing consumers closer to the goods we consume.

Uber vs. NYC Taxi Drivers

As innovation in technology expands, so does the impact on many traditional industries. Accompanying these advances comes a shift in which jobs are in higher demand, and which jobs are threatened. Uber has revolutionized the car service market. It provides its customers with low prices, convenience, and comfort. This has caused harm to taxi companies, especially in cities like New York with an embedded high demand for taxis. Uber and other similar services have caused devastating change for traditional taxi drivers. New York City has made attempts to regulate Uber and other for-hire services in order to create a more competitive field for taxi drivers. Despite these efforts, it is unclear how long the advances in technology can be controlled. 

New York City taxis operate under a system that is controlled by medallions which are essentially licenses needed in order to operate a yellow cab. A driver who bought a medallion for a low six-figure sum could borrow against its rising value, and then use those proceeds to improve his quality of life. There are some family-run fleet operators who own hundreds of medallions. Unfortunately for established drivers, the cost of a medallion has plummeted since Uber has entered New York. (Berger) In 2013, the cost to purchase a medallion hit $1.3 million. However, by March of 2017 the price of a taxi medallion crashed to its lowest level in a decade when one was sold for $241,000. In January 2017, medallions accounted for 48% of total trips logged by yellow taxis, which is down from 68% in January 2016. Additionally, in 2016 lenders foreclosed on 39 medallions, which is more than triple the amount of 2015. (Agovino) Banks stopped lending to the majority of medallion buyers a few years ago because they were no longer solid investments. Mr. Daus heads a firm with several clients with large medallion portfolios. He believes that taken together the sales show that “the market has already bottomed out,” and indeed there are signs that the market for medallions may have stabilized. New York City closely controls the issuance of medallions, which number around 13,600 which prevents further devaluation. The problem is that given the market declines, many medallion owners owe more than the value of their medallions. (Berger) Once Uber entered the New York City market, too many drivers were chasing too few passengers and that pressure seems unlikely to change.

While it was originally assumed that Uber was only targeting neighborhoods with an already limited supply of taxis, this appears to not be the case.  

This graph demonstrates that there is an increase in Uber drivers in the central business district, which is known to be a hotspot for taxi hailers. From June 2013 to June 2015, Uber’s pickups in the central business district rose from around 175,000 to 1.8 million, while taxi pickups have fallen by around 1.4 million. This means that in a neighborhood where Uber and taxis directly compete, only 13% of the growth in Uber rides resulted from a growth in demand. The remaining 87% have replaced trips that would have gone to taxis. Additionally, passengers tend to use Uber more for late night trips due to its convenience and comfort. Citywide, taxi rides between the hours of 11pm to 5am have fallen by 22% from June 2013 to June 2015, while taxi ridership has declined by 12% in the hours of 5am to 11pm. (“A Tale of Two Cities”) Given the meaningful market share of Uber, it is clear that many passengers seems to favor Uber’s services. 

Uber’s original business approach was geared towards growing quickly so that others couldn’t replicate its model. CEO Travis Kalanick instilled a hyperactive management style that valued speed over integrity. He did this to preemptively wipe out competition by gaining market share and dollar gains in its early days. However, the finish line for this strategy is yet to be in sight. Despite the disruptive effects of Uber’s aggressive pursuit of market share, the overall demand for rides is still surging. Uber has recorded that the number of completed rides in the first quarter of 2017 has tripled compared to the first quarter of 2016. Currently, the momentum of the company coupled with its $7.2 billion cash hoard should ensure Uber’s survival. Looking forward, Uber’s best plan of action would be to engage in vertical integration in order to beat out its competition. This would consist of controlling the newest automobile technology. While Uber does not seem to be willing to lock down its employees using employment contracts, it could dominate the market by eventually owning a fleet of self-driving cars. These vehicles could be the realization of Uber attaining tech-giant status. (Mims)

Uber’s business model relies on the network effect. This means that the indirect values and goods of the company grow as more people use the service. Uber was able to out-compete traditional taxis with lower prices. However, it is impossible to determine how long Uber can maintain these low prices. Uber does offer its customers other advantages in addition to pricing. It provides ease of use through its simplified ordering process, ability to track the driver, simplified payment process, and easy ability to split fares. It instilled practical features such as its method of rating drivers, its consistent branding, its electronic receipts, and its choice of cars which range from standard to lux. The business model of Uber in itself is quite simple. It does not own any cars so all that is required is the use of technology to connect drivers with rides. The company, then, takes a portion of the transaction. In the early stages of the company, Uber spent almost no money on marketing relying on word of mouth. Uber’s initial challenges consisted primarily of: how easily and cheaply competitors could replicate the service. Competitors could improve on Uber’s model in certain cities and take market share. Additionally, the requirement that Uber launch in many cities around the world in order to preempt competition was difficult to manage. Clearly, Uber’s biggest obstacle is competition. (Koch)

In seeking growth, Uber hugely effected the lives of taxi drivers. Some drivers suffered extreme consequences. Nicanor Ochisor was an immigrant from Romania who worked as a NYC taxi driver. Ochisor had bought his medallion almost three decades ago. Initially that was an excellent investment, but after the introduction of Uber, the value plunged by 2018. Despite working 12 hour shifts, he was bringing home less money than before. In March of 2018, Nicanor Ochisor committed suicide. There has been a marked increase in deaths of drivers  given the economic pressures facing many taxi and livery drivers. Between January of 2018 to May of 2018, 4 drivers took their own lives. (Fitzsimmons) The situation has become so drastic that it has become clear that regulations are needed to prevent Uber and other similar services from destroying the taxi industry. 

To combat Uber’s growth, the New York City Council created a cap on the number of for-hire delivery and transportation vehicles in the city. Additionally, in August 2018 the council put a halt on issuing new for-hire vehicle licenses for 12 months giving the counsel time to study the rapidly growing industry. Companies like Uber and Lyft will be required to provide the council data on usage and charges or they will face a $10,000 fine for noncompliance. New York is Uber’s most profitable market, yet it is the first United States city to propose a temporary restriction on the total number of vehicles. Yellow taxis are a staple of New York and the council is fighting to keep them afloat. Uber is arguing that creating a cap will leave drivers without an income. It will also disproportionately harm low-income and minority residents in New York’s outer boroughs who lack easy access to many forms of public transportation as well as access to taxi services. (Wodinsky) Despite Uber’s protests, New York does plan on mandating benefits for Uber drivers with these new changes. 

New York City regulators are planning on raising wages for Uber and similar services. Uber is known to be less expensive and more comfortable than taxis, but many of the drivers are struggling to earn a good living given the pay structure. Under the new regulation, if a driver’s profit fall below $17.22 per hour over the course of a week, the companies will be required to make up the difference. Currently, in New York City, about 40% of drivers have incomes so low that they qualify for Medicaid while about 18% qualify for food stamps. Some drivers bought vehicles believing the claim that they could make up to $5,000 during their first month of driving. They now feel trapped as their earnings fall short. (Fitzsimmons, Scheiber) Uber’s objection is that this will cause a rise in prices for consumers. This impact on pricing actually helps the regulators’s initiative. If Uber must pay their drivers higher wages, then the number of drivers hired will be limited and the cost of Uber will go up. Being unable to hire more drivers will enforce the cap on Uber and higher Uber prices will create more equal competition between Uber and taxi drivers. 

Taxi drivers in European cities have also faced decline in business due to Uber. The responses there have been more aggressive. In London, drivers brought streets around Trafalgar Square to a stop while honking their horns and holding signs in protest of the new technologically savvy driving services. In Madrid, hundreds of drivers marched through the streets blowing whistles. One banner read, “For the security of passengers and the future of taxis: Uber is illegal.” Also in Madrid, protestors surrounded and pounded on two black sedans that were unlicensed taxis. The front and rear windows of the one of the cars were broken. In Italy, taxi drivers handed out leaflets denouncing Uber and hung a banner that read, “Illegality Reigns Sovereign!” In Naples, dozens of taxi drivers protested in the city’s center, blocking traffic for hours. In Paris, hundreds of cabbies led strikes causing traffic jams and altercations between taxi drivers and drivers for other services. Finally, protests spread as far as Rio de Janeiro. While the city prepared itself for the 2014 World Cup, dozens of taxis formed lines and moved slowly along the Copacabana. (Fleisher) Clearly, taxi drivers around the world are prepared to fight for their jobs.

Uber was created as an industry disrupter seeking to defeat many of its competitors. Uber’s goal was to revolutionize the for-hire car service industry. The strategy was to grow quickly and gain a large customer base. Uber accomplished its goal by starting up in cities all over the world and by providing low prices. Unfortunately, this strategy decimated traditional taxi companies and its drivers and owners. Taxis have experienced massive declines in ridership which is especially felt in New York City where Uber has one of its largest customer bases. While regulations have been put in place to help the taxi industry, it is unclear whether these trends will ever be reversed. 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/with-kalanick-out-ubers-troubles-are-just-beginning-1498049054

https://www.entrepreneur.com/article/286683

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/how-much-is-a-nyc-taxi-medallion-worth-these-days/

https://www.wsj.com/articles/is-the-market-for-new-york-taxi-medallions-showing-signs-of-life-1516228199

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/02/nyregion/uber-drivers-pay-nyc.html

https://www.theverge.com/2018/8/8/17661374/uber-lyft-nyc-cap-vote-city-council-new-york-taxi

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/01/nyregion/a-taxi-driver-took-his-own-life-his-family-blames-ubers-influence.html

https://www.wsj.com/articles/londons-black-cab-drivers-protest-against-taxi-apps-1402499319

https://www.economist.com/united-states/2015/08/15/a-tale-of-two-cities